Definitions of whiteness in the United States

Definitions of whiteness in the United States

The cultural boundaries separating White Americans from other racial or ethnic categories are contested and always changing. David R. Roediger argues that the construction of the white race in the United States was an effort to mentally distance slaveowners from slaves.[1] By the 18th century, white had become well established as a racial term.

The process of officially being defined as white by law often came about in court disputes over pursuit of citizenship. The Naturalization Act of 1790 offered naturalization only to "any alien, being a free white person". In at least 52 cases, people denied the status of white by immigration officials sued in court for status as white people. By 1923, courts had vindicated a "common-knowledge" standard, concluding that "scientific evidence" was incoherent. Legal scholar John Tehranian argues that in reality this was a "performance-based" standard, relating to religious practices, education, intermarriage and a community's role in the United States.[2]


The 2000 U.S. census states that racial categories "generally reflect a social definition of race recognized in this country. They do not conform to any biological, anthropological or genetic criteria."[4] It defines "white people" as "people having origins in any of the original peoples of Europe, the Middle East, or North Africa.[5] The 1990 US Census Public Use Microdata Sample lists "Caucasian" or "Aryan" ancestry responses as subgroups of "White"[6] but the 2005 PUMS codes do not.[7] In U.S. census documents, the designation white or Caucasian overlaps with the term Hispanic, which was introduced in the 1980 census as a category of ethnicity, separate and independent of race.[8] In cases where individuals do not self-identify, the U.S. census parameters for race give each national origin a racial value.

The U.S. Department of Justice Federal Bureau of Investigation also categorizes "white people" as "people having origins in any of the original peoples of Europe, the Middle East, or North Africa, through racial categories used in the UCR Program adopted from the Statistical Policy Handbook (1978) and published by the Office of Federal Statistical Policy and Standards, U.S. Department of Commerce.[9]


European Americans

Most persons considered White today might not have been considered White at some point in U.S. history. Among those not considered white by some people at some time in American history are the Irish, Germans, Ashkenazi Jews, Italians, Armenians, Spaniards, Portuguese, Slavs, Greeks, Welsh and many other peoples who were not English. However, legally all these groups were white.[10]

German Americans

Large numbers of Germans migrated to the United States between the 1680s and 1760s. Many settled in the English colony of Pennsylvania. In the 18th century, many persons of English descent harbored resentment towards the increasing number of German settlers. Benjamin Franklin in "Observations Concerning the Increase of Mankind, Peopling of Countries, etc.", complained about the increasing influx of German Americans, stating that they had a negative influence on the early United States. The only exception were Germans of Saxon descent "who with the English, make the principal Body of White People on the Face of the Earth. I could wish their Numbers were increased". Benjamin Franklin most likely thought favorably of the Saxons because Anglo-Saxons like him were thought to be the descendants of Saxon invaders to Britain.

Unlike most European immigrant groups whose acceptance as white came gradually over the course of the late 19th century (that is, in U.S. colloquial definitions, since all Europeans had been white by legal U.S. definition), German immigrants quickly came to be accepted as white.[11] By the late 19th century, despite some lingering nativist resentment towards new arrivals, Germans, along with Scandinavians and the Dutch, were assimilated to the America's old stock, and thought themselves as racially superior to later immigrants from southern and eastern Europe.

More recent German immigrants, who arrived during the late 19th century, and their children occasionally encountered harassment due to the strong anti-German mentality that existed in the general American society during the first half of the 20th century. It was not uncommon for them to anglicize their names and stop celebrating German traditions to avoid being discriminated.[12]

Irish Americans

The Chicago River is colored green every Saint Patrick's Day in honor of Irish Americans, who are America's second largest reported ancestry.

In the 18th century Irish immigrants had the same rights and privileges as all other European settlers. In the 19th century, Irish Americans, often immigrants, were often discriminated against because of their Roman Catholic religion.

According to historian George Potter, the media often stereotyped the Irish in America as being boss-controlled, violent (both among themselves and with those of other ethnic groups), voting illegally, prone to alcoholism, and dependent on gangs that were often violent or criminal. Potter quotes contemporary newspaper images:[13]

Irish Americans were always considered white but many thought they were inferior until the idea of white shifted to an identity that contrasted themselves with black slaves [1] and newer, less Americanized immigrant groups began to arrive.[citation needed] The Immigration Act of 1924 that was based on scientific racism and favored the "whitest Europeans" to settle had a gentle view on Irish immigration.[14]

French Americans

There have been reported cases about children in Maine of French descent being regularly beaten and humiliated in school for being French-speakers, French Canadians banned from entering the state, French immigrants having to anglicize their names to avoid discrimination and even the Ku Klux Klan targeting French Canadians who moved to the United States.[15][16]

During the period between 1924-1965, when immigration from European countries who were not considered Northwestern was restricted, French immigrants were only allowed to come in small numbers.[17]

Eastern European and Slavic Americans

Slavic Americans were classified as legally white upon their arrival at Ellis Island. Due to large numbers, legislation was also passed, such as the Immigration Act of 1924 to restrict and reduce their further entry. But they were allowed citizenship and full participation in American society.

A wide variety of ethnic groups from Eastern, South-Eastern and Central Europe: Greek, Armenian, Polish, Albanian, Lithuanian, Hungarian, Czech, Croat, Bosniak, Serb, Romanian, Russian, Slovak, Ukrainian and Bulgarian, established communities in American major cities in the early 20th century, especially in New York City and Chicago.

Italian Americans

Mass immigration to the United States from Italy occurred during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Italians often fell victim to stereotypes of criminal involvement, anti-Catholicism, ethnic and cultural prejudices, and violence. Anti-Italian violence caused lynching in Tampa;[18] and eleven Italian immigrants in New Orleans, one of the largest mass lynchings in United States history. The Immigration Act of 1924 reduced the entry of Italians into the United States. Southern Italians, were classified as a different nationality primarily at the request of their Northern Italian counterparts who were considered Alpine or Nordic peoples more akin to French and Germans.[19]

Today, some 17 million Italian American to 25 million [2] Americans claim Italian descent. Most Italian Americans live within urban areas in northeastern states like New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Pennsylvania, and Maryland, but there are also numerous Italian Americans in states like Illinois, Florida, Ohio, and California.

Finnish Americans

The earliest Finnish immigrants, colonialists who were then originally Swedish citizens and settled in the Swedish colony New Sweden, were supposed to have assimilated into the British culture quickly.[20] More recent Finns were on several occasions "racially" discriminated[21] and not seen as white, but "Asian", before the beginning of the 20th century. The reasons for this were the at the time somewhat usual arguments and theories about the Finns originally being of Mongolian instead of "native" (Indo-)European origin due to the Finnish language belonging to the Uralic and not the Indo-European language family.[22]

On January 4, 1908, a trial was held in Minnesota about whether John Svan and several other Finnish immigrants would become naturalized United States citizens or not, as the process wasn't for "colored" in general and district prosecutor John Sweet was of the opinion that Finnish immigrants were Mongols, not white. The judge, William A. Cant, later reached the conclusion that the Finnish people may have been Mongolian from the beginning, but that the climate they had been living in for a long time and the to Finland historical immigration and assimilation of Germanic tribes (Teutons), that he considered the modern "pure Finns" to be indistinguishable from, had made the Finnish population one of the whitest (fairest) people in Europe. If the Finns eventually had Mongolian ancestry, it was too distant and diluted to search for. John Svan and the others were made naturalized US citizens and from that day on, it was forbidden to treat Finnish migrants and Americans of Finnish descent as not white.[23][24]

Despite being occasionally seen as "racially suspicious", there seem to be no known reports about Finnish Americans having been systematically stereotyped in a negative way. Sources seem to incline that they were rather spoken of in a positive light.[25]

Hispanic Americans

Hispanic Americans are those whose ancestry can be traced to Spain or Spanish-speaking Latin American countries. While Latin Americans have a broad array of ethnic, racial and cultural backgrounds, they all tend to be erroneously labeled 'Hispanic' - erroneously giving that term a "racial" value.

Recently, many Americans[who?] have opposed the separation of Hispanic from non-Hispanic, especially White Hispanic from non-Hispanic White, seeing it as a form of ethnic discrimination. This can be considered true given that all Hispanics, regardless of race, are included in Affirmative Action programs.[26]

On the 2000 Census form, race and ethnicity are distinct questions. A respondent who checks the "Hispanic or Latino" ethnicity box must also check one or more of the five official race categories. Of the over 35 million Hispanics or Latinos in the 2000 Census, a plurality of 48.6% identified as "White-Hispanic," 48.2% identified as "Hispanic-Hispanic" (most of whom are presumed to be mestizos), and the remaining 3.2% identified as "black-Hispanic."

The media and some Hispanic community leaders in the United States refer to Hispanics as a separate group from all others, as well as "whites" and the "white majority". This may be because "white" is often used as shorthand for "non-Hispanic white". Thus, the non-Hispanic population and some Hispanic community leaders refer to white Hispanics as non-Hispanic whites and white Hispanic actors/actresses in media are mostly given non-Hispanic roles[27][28] while, in turn, are given the most roles in the U.S. Hispanic mass media that the white Hispanics are overrepresented and admired in the U.S. Hispanic mass media and social perceptions.[29][30][31][32][33][34] [35]

Mexican Americans

The official racial status of Mexican Americans has varied throughout American history. From 1850 to 1920, the U.S. Census form did not distinguish between whites and Mexican Americans.[36] In 1930, the U.S. Census form asked for "color or race," and census enumerators were instructed to write W for White and Mex for Mexican.[37] In 1940 and 1950, the instructions were to "Report white (W) for Mexicans unless they are definitely of Indian or other nonwhite race."[36]

Official portrait of Mexican American Romualdo Pacheco in the California State Capitol.

During periods in U.S. history when racial intermarriage wasn't legally acknowledged, and when Mexicans and Mexican-Americans were uniformly allotted white status, they were legally allowed to intermarry with what today are termed non-Hispanic whites, unlike blacks and Asians.[citation needed] They were allowed to acquire U.S. citizenship upon arrival; served in all-white units during World War II; could vote and hold elected office in places such as Texas, especially San Antonio; ran the state politics and constituted most of the elite of New Mexico since colonial times; and went to integrated schools in Central Texas and Los Angeles.[citation needed] Additionally, Asians were barred from marrying Mexican Americans because Mexicans were legally white.[38]

U.S. nativists in the late 1920s and 1930s tried to put a halt to Mexican immigration by having Mexicans (and Mexican Americans) declared non-white, by virtue of their Indian heritage. They based their strategy on a 1924 law that barred entry to immigrants who were ineligible for citizenship, and at that point, only blacks and whites, and not Asians or Native Americans, could naturalize. The test case came in December 1935, when a Buffalo, N.Y., judge rejected Jalisco native Timoteo Andrade's application for citizenship on the grounds that he was a "Mexican Indian." Had it not been for the intervention of the Mexican and American governments, who forced a second hearing, this precedent could very well have made many Mexicans, the majority of whom are mestizo, ineligible for citizenship.[39]

During the Great Depression, Mexicans were largely considered non-white.[citation needed] As many as 400,000 Mexicans and Mexican Americans were deported in a decade-long effort by the government called the Mexican Repatriation.[40]

In the early 1970s, Chicano activists switched from the "other white race" to "the other minority" strategy as a way to fight discrimination. Just as whiteness once offered the best prospect of protected civil rights, the emergence of race-based policies such as affirmative action and the Voting Rights Act created incentives for them to highlight the nonwhite side of their mixed heritage.[39]

In the 2000 U.S census, around half of all persons of Mexican or Mexican American origin in the U.S. checked white to register their race (in addition to stating their Mexican national origin).[41] Mexican Americans are the largest White Hispanic group in the United States.

Hispanic Caribbean

Caribbean countries such as Cuba,[42][43][44] Puerto Rico and especially the Dominican Republic have a complex ethnic heritage since they include indigenous and African legacies. Africans were imported to the islands in throughout the colonial period (and indeed Blacks accompanied the first Spanish explorers, with more arriving to harvest sugar in the 20th century prior to the Revolution[45]).

Cuban Americans exemplify this complex ethnic status. The Cuban exiles that entered the United States before 1959 tended to be of European ancestry (most particularly Spanish ancestry) and therefore widely considered to be white.[46][47] Their appearance allowed them to be accepted more readily by an American culture that openly discriminated against darker-skinned Cubans, and other races. In some cases, this white racial status "allowed them to feel superior over other racial and ethnic groups and to make claims to rights and privileges..."[46]

Spanish Americans

All Spaniards were legally (though not always socially) considered "White" because of treaty obligations to Spaniards and Mexicans that conferred citizenship status at a time when whiteness was a prerequisite for U.S. citizenship. A Mexican American ex-politician of San Francisco said that Spaniards are not Hispanics because they are Europeans and white.[47] Their appearance allowed them to be accepted more readily by an American culture and to be assimilated to non-Hispanic white society.

Native Americans

In Oklahoma, state laws identified Native Americans as white people during Jim Crow-era segregation.[48]

In the late 19th and 20th century, Native Americans were seen as people without a future to be assimilated into a larger American culture. Tribal membership was frequently defined according to so-called blood quantum standards, so that "mixed race" children were eventually excluded. This led to the classification of increasing numbers of people with Native ancestry as white, a trend that has been reversed in the census figures of recent decades which show increasing self-identification as Native American.[48] However, according to the 2000 census, you must know the tribe and maintain contact with that tribal community. "American Indian and Alaska Native. A person having origins in any of the original peoples of North and South America (including Central America) and who maintain tribal affiliation or community attachment."

North African and Middle Eastern Americans

Under the U.S. Census definition and U.S. federal agency, whites with ancestry from the Middle East and North Africa are considered white. The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission regulations also explicitly define white as "original peoples of Europe, North Africa, or the Middle East."[49]

Jewish and Israeli Americans

According to one source—although not supported by census records of the period which recorded all Jews as white—European Jews in America did not become accepted as "white" until the 1940s.[50] As early as 1911, German/American-Jewish anthropologist Franz Boas (1858–1952) purported in The Mind of Primitive Man, that "no real biological chasm separated recent immigrants from Mayflower descendants."[51] Therefore claims of difference were based on prejudice, whether religious or ethno-cultural, and had no biological basis.

Anti-Semitism was prevalent in the world, including the United States, in the early part of the 20th century, but after World War II, public attitudes toward Jewish Americans changed to more positive depictions, and American Jews enjoy a relative acceptance. Nonetheless, Neo-Nazis and white supremacists continue to deny them recognition as whites.

A person who responds Israeli to the Ancestry question in the United States Census but refuses to respond to the Race question will be categorized as white, even though not all Israelis are of European (Ashkenazi or Sephardi) or Middle Eastern (Mizrahi, or Israeli Arabs, Druze) descent. They may be Jews of Ethiopian (Beta Israel), Yemenite (considered by some a Mizrahi subgroup) or Indian descent.

Asian Americans

Starting the mid-19th century, the United States experienced significant immigration from the countries of Asia, followed by reactions, such as the Workingman's Party, against Chinese and later other Asian immigrants as competitors with white labor, and fears (Yellow Peril) that Asians could outnumber the white population in some areas and become dominant.

The Naturalization Act of 1790 restricted naturalized American citizenship to whites.[52] (However, United States v. Wong Kim Ark in 1898 confirmed citizenship by birth in the US regardless of race.) As a result, in the early 20th century many new arrivals with origins in the Asian continent petitioned the courts to be legally classified as white, and hence there exist many United States Supreme Court rulings on their "Whiteness". Armenians (usually considered European) were classified by the courts as white with help from the testimony of anthropologist Franz Boas.[52] In 1922, the court case Takao Ozawa v. United States deemed Japanese to be not legally white, even though they had light skin, since it considered them to be part of the Mongoloid race. Less than a year later, the court contradicted itself by concluding that Asian Indians are not legally white, even though a proportion of anthropologists classified some Indians as at least partially Caucasians, instead declaring that whiteness should be based on "the common understanding of the white man."

Associate Justice George Sutherland found that, while Thind, an Asian Indian, may have had "purity of Aryan blood'" due to having "high caste" status and being "born in Punjab" he was not Caucasian in the "common understanding", so he could not be included in the "statutory category as white persons".[53] Associate Justice George Sutherland wrote in his summary:


The eligibility of this applicant for citizenship is based on the sole fact that he is of high caste Hindu stock, born in Punjab, one of the extreme northwestern districts of India, and classified by certain scientific authorities as of the Caucasian or Aryan race...In the Punjab and Rajputana, while the invaders seem to have met with more success in the effort to preserve their racial purity, intermarriages did occur producing an intermingling of the two and destroying to a greater or less degree the purity of the “Aryan” blood. The rules of caste, while calculated to prevent this intermixture, seem not to have been entirely successful... the given group [Asian Indian] cannot be properly assigned to any of the enumerated grand racial divisions. The type may have been so changed by intermixture of blood as to justify an intermediate classification. Something very like this has actually taken place in India. Thus, in Hindustan [India] and Berar [town in India] there was such an intermixture of the “Aryan” invader with the dark-skinned Dravidian.[53]

In Jim Crow era Mississippi, however, Chinese American children were allowed to attend white-only schools and universities, rather than attend black-only schools, and some of their parents became members of the infamous Mississippi "White Citizens' Council" who enforced policies of racial segregation.[54] [55] [56]

African Americans

Main Who is African American and Admixture in the US

Owing to the one-drop theory in the United States, Americans with any known African ancestry, no matter how slight, have often been categorized as black. Those of Hispanic, Middle Eastern or North African heritage have been an exception, in that those who look European, or occasionally even those appearing mixed, are not labeled "black" though they may have some sub-Saharan African ancestry, perhaps even acknowledging it.

Laws dating from the 17th century colonial America that defined children excluded children of at least one black parent from the status of being white. Early legal standards did so by defining the race of a child based on a mother's race while banning interracial marriage, while later laws defined all people of some African ancestry as black, under the principle of hypodescent. These laws ensured that the children of slaves were available as labor to their parent's master and furthered racist standards of white women's "purity" under threat from black sexual "contamination." Some 19th century categorization schemes defined people with one black parent (the other white) as mulatto, with one black grandparent as quadroon and with one black great grandparent as octoroon. The latter categories remained within an overall black or African-American category. Some members of these categories passed temporarily or permanently as white.[57] Until the Civil War, racial identity depended on the combination of appearance, African blood fraction, and social circle.[58]

However, since several thousand blacks have been crossing the color line each year, the phenomenon known as "passing for white", millions of White Americans have recent African ancestors. A statistical analysis done in 1958 estimated that 21 percent of the white population had African ancestors. The study concluded that the majority of Americans of African descent were actually White and not Black.[59]


People who recorded the religions Christian, Jewish, Zoroastrian, Muslim, Shi'ite, or Sunni in the "Some other race" section are automatically categorized as whites in the 2000 US Census.[60]

See also


  1. ^ a b Roediger, Wages of Whiteness, 186; Tony Horwitz, Confederates in the Attic: Dispatches from the Unfinished Civil War (New York, 1998).
  2. ^ John Tehranian, "Performing Whiteness: Naturalization Litigation and the Construction of Racial Identity in America," The Yale Law Journal, Vol. 109, No. 4. (Jan., 2000), pp. 817-848.
  3. ^ Adams, J.Q.; Pearlie Strother-Adams (2001). Dealing with Diversity. Chicago, IL: Kendall/Hunt Publishing Company. 0-7872-8145-X. 
  4. ^ Questions and Answers for Census 2000 Data on Race from U.S. Census Bureau, 14 March 2001. Retrieved 15 October 2006.
  5. ^ The White Population: 2000, Census 2000 Brief C2KBR/01-4, U.S. Census Bureau, August 2001.
  6. ^ University of Michigan. Census 1990: Ancestry Codes. August 27, 2007
  7. ^
  8. ^ Overview of Race and Hispanic Origin 2000 U.S. Census Bureau
  9. ^ Uniform Crime Reporting Handbook, U.S. Department of Justice. Federal Bureau of Investigation. P. 97 (2004)
  10. ^ John Tehranian, "Performing Whiteness: Naturalization Litigation and the Construction of Racial Identity in America," The Yale Law Journal, Vol. 109, No. 4. (Jan., 2000), pp. 825-827.
  11. ^ See David R. Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class (London: Verso, 1991) p. 32 for their earlier status. See op. cit. p. 142 for Stephen O. Douglas's acceptance, in his debates against Abraham Lincoln, that Germans are a "branch of the Caucasian race." See op. cit. p. 155 for anti-abolitionist tracts of 1864 accusing abolitionist German-Americans of having "broken their ties with the white race" by opposing slavery. Finally, see Frank W. Sweet, Legal History of the Color Line: The Rise and Triumph of the One-Drop Rule (Palm Coast FL: Backintyme, 2005) p. 332 and Leon F. Litwack, North of Slavery: the Negro in the Free States, 1790-1860 (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1961) p. 75 for the legislated disfranchisement of Pennsylvanians of African ancestry by the first state legislature controlled by German-Americans.
  12. ^
  13. ^ Potter p. 526; see also T. J. English, Paddy Whacked: The Untold Story of the Irish-American Gangster (2005). On stereotypes see Dale T. Knobel, Paddy and the Republic: Ethnicity and Nationality in Antebellum America (1986)
  14. ^ | Irish Free State (Ireland) 28,567
  15. ^
  16. ^ Nelson Bamore & Barry Rodrigue, "Voyages: A Maine Franco-American Reader"
  17. ^ | France 3,954
  18. ^
  19. ^ Thomas A. Guglielmo, White on Arrival: Italians, Race, Color, and Power in Chicago, 1890-1945, 2003, ISBN 0-19-515543-2
  20. ^ John Powell, "Encyclopedia of North American immigration", p. 99
  21. ^ Armas Kustaa Ensio Holmio, "History of the Finns in Michigan", p. 17 | She had barely reached the front porch when the friend's mother realized that her daughter's playmate was a Finn. Helmi was turned away immediately, and the daughter of the house was forbidden to associate with "that Mongolian". John Wargelin, a pastor of the Evangelical Lutheran Church and a former president of Suomi College, also tells how, when he was a child in Crystal Falls some years earlier, he and his friends were ridiculed and stoned on their way to school. "Because of our strange language," he says, "we were considered an alien race who had no right to settle in this country."
  22. ^ Eric Dregni, "Vikings in the attic: In search of Nordic America", p. 176
  23. ^
  24. ^ Armas Kustaa Ensio Holmio, "History of the Finns in Michigan", p. 23
  25. ^ | (1) Carl Wittke, We Who Built America (1939)
  26. ^
  27. ^ "Hispanic roles on American television". Retrieved 2008-05-17. 
  28. ^ "Silent Films, Sound, Resisting Stereotypes, The New Generation, Assessment, Oscar Winners and Nominees, Latinos., Latinas". Retrieved 2010-03-19. 
  29. ^ Y Tu Black Mama Tambien
  30. ^ The Blond, Blue-Eyed Face of Spanish TV
  31. ^ Blonde, Blue-Eyed Euro-Cute Latinos on Spanish TV
  32. ^ What are Telenovelas? – Hispanic Culture
  33. ^ Racial Bias Charged On Spanish-Language TV
  34. ^ Skin tone consciousness in Asian and Latin American populations
  35. ^ Differences Between American and Castilian Spanish
  36. ^ a b The Race Question
  37. ^ US Population in the 1930 Census by Race
  38. ^
  39. ^ a b Rodriguez, Gregory (3 September 2007). "Shades of Mexican". Los Angeles Times.,0,3733464.column?coll=la-home-commentary. 
  40. ^ Koch, Wendy (2006-04-05). "U.S. urged to apologize for 1930s deportations". USA Today. Retrieved 2010-05-01. 
  41. ^ Overview of Race and Hispanic Origin: 2000
  42. ^ José Barreiro, Indians in Cuba
  43. ^ The Indians of Cuba: A study of Cultural Adaptation and Ethnic Survival
  44. ^ Not Extinct
  45. ^ Undesirable Aliens: Race, Ethnicity, and Nationalism in the Comparison of Haitian and British West Indian Immigrant Workers in Cuba, 1912-1939
  46. ^ a b
  47. ^ a b Hispanics: A Culture, Not a Race
  48. ^ a b Kathleen O'Toole, "Toggling Between Ethnicities," Stanford Today, November/December 1998.
  49. ^
  50. ^ Karen Brodkin, How Jews Became White Folks and What That Says About Race in America (New Brunswick NJ, 1998).
  51. ^ Franz Boas, The Mind of Primitive Man (New York, 1911).
  52. ^ a b RACE - The Power of an Illusion . Go Deeper | PBS
  53. ^ a b c United States v. Bhagat Singh Thind, Certificate From The Circuit Court Of Appeals For The Ninth Circuit., No. 202. Argued January 11, 12, 1923.—Decided February 19, 1923, United States Reports, v. 261, The Supreme Court, October Term, 1922, 204–215.
  54. ^ James W. Loewen, The Mississippi Chinese: Between Black and White (Cambridge MA, 1971); Warren (1997), 200-18, 209-11. ISBN 0-88133-312-3
  55. ^ Somewhere Between White and Black: The Chinese in Mississippi | Asian American History | OAH Magazine of History
  56. ^ Mississippi Chinese - Delta history - Bobby Joe Moon
  57. ^ Winthrop Jordan, Black Over White, ch. IV, "The Fruits of Passion."
  58. ^ See "Chapter 9. How the Law Decided if You Were Black or White: The Early 1800s" in Legal History of the Color Line: The Rise and Triumph of the One-Drop Rule by Frank W. Sweet, ISBN 0-939479-23-0. A summary of this chapter, with endnotes, is available online at How the Law Decided if You Were Black or White: The Early 1800s.
  60. ^ Surveillance Epidemiology and End Results. Race and Nationality Descriptions from the 2000 US Census and Bureau of Vital Statistics. 2007. May 21, 2007. [1]

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