Ferdinand Marcos


Ferdinand Marcos
Ferdinand Marcos
10th President of the Philippines
6th President of the Third Republic
1st President of the Fourth Republic
In office
December 30, 1965 – February 25, 1986
Prime Minister Himself (1978–1981)
Cesar Virata (1981–1986)
Vice President Fernando Lopez (1965–1973)
Arturo Tolentino (Feb 16–25, 1986)
Preceded by Diosdado Macapagal
Succeeded by Corazon Aquino
3rd Prime Minister of the Philippines
In office
June 12, 1978 – June 30, 1981
Preceded by Office established
(Position previously held by Pedro Paterno)
Succeeded by Cesar Virata
11th President of the Senate of the Philippines
In office
April 5, 1963 – December 30, 1965
President Diosdado Macapagal
Preceded by Eulogio Rodriguez
Succeeded by Arturo Tolentino
Senator of the Philippines
In office
December 30, 1959 – December 30, 1965
Member of the Philippine House of Representatives from Ilocos Norte's Second District
In office
December 30, 1949 – December 30, 1959
Preceded by Pedro Albano
Succeeded by Simeon M. Valdez
Personal details
Born September 11, 1917(1917-09-11)
Sarrat, Ilocos Norte, Philippines
Died September 28, 1989(1989-09-28) (aged 72)
Honolulu, Hawaii, United States
Resting place Marcos Museum and Mausoleum, Batac, Ilocos Norte, Philippines
Political party Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (1978–1989)
Other political
affiliations
Liberal Party (1946–1965)
Nacionalista Party (1965–1978)
Spouse(s) Imelda Romuáldez (1954–1989)
Alma mater University of the Philippines College of Law
Profession Lawyer
Religion Roman Catholicism, formerly Iglesia Filipina Independiente or Philippine Independent Church
Signature
Military service
Allegiance Flag of the Philippines.svg Republic of the Philippines
Rank Second Lieutenant
Battles/wars World War II

Ferdinand Emmanuel Edralin Marcos, Sr. (September 11, 1917 – September 28, 1989) was a Filipino leader and an authoritarian President of the Philippines from 1965 to 1986. He was a lawyer, member of the Philippine House of Representatives (1949–1959) and a member of the Philippine Senate (1959–1965). He was the Senate President from 1963–1965.

While in power he implemented wide-ranging programs of infrastructure development and economic reform. However, this was largely overshadowed by his authoritarian way of ruling the country after 1972. His administration was marred by massive corruption, nepotism, political repression, and human rights violations.

In 1983, his government was accused of being involved in the assassination of his primary political opponent, Benigno Aquino, Jr. Public outrage over the assassination served as the catalyst for the People Power Revolution in February 1986 that led to his removal from power and eventual exile in Hawaii. It was later discovered that he and his wife Imelda Marcos had moved billions of dollars of embezzled public funds to the United States, Switzerland, and other countries, as well as into alleged corporations during his 20 years in power.

Contents

Early life

Ferdinand Edralin Marcos was born September 11, 1917, in the town of Sarrat, Ilocos Norte to parents Mariano Marcos and Josefa Edralin.[1] He was baptized into the Philippine Independent Church.[2] He was of Filipino (specifically Ilocano), Chinese, and Japanese descent.[3]

In December 1938, Mariano Marcos, his brother Pio, his son Ferdinand, and his brother-in-law Quirino Lizardo were prosecuted for the murder of Julio Nalundasan, one of Marcos' father's political rivals. On September 20, 1935, the day after Nalundasan (for the second time) defeated Mariano Marcos for the National Assembly seat for Ilocos Norte, Nalundasan was shot and killed in his house in Batac. According to two witnesses, the four had conspired to assassinate Nalundasan, with Ferdinand Marcos eventually doing the killing. In late January 1939, they were denied bail[4] and in the fall[when?] of 1939 they were convicted. Ferdinand and Lizardo received the death penalty for premeditated murder, while Mariano and Pio were found guilty only of contempt of court. The Marcos family took their appeal to the Supreme Court of the Philippines, which on October 22, 1940, overturned the lower court's decision and acquitted them of all charges but contempt.[5]

Marcos attended college at the University of the Philippines, attending the prestigious College of Law. He excelled in both curricular and extra-curricular activities, he was a valuable member of the university's swimming team, boxing, and wrestling. He was also an accomplished and prolific orator, debater, and writer of the university's newspaper, he also became a member of the ROTC and later an instructor to the subject.He took the 1939 bar exam and passed it with an almost perfect score despite the fact that he was incarcerated during the time he was reviewing. In 1939, while incarcerated, Ferdinand Marcos graduated cum laude. If he had not been put in jail for twenty seven days, he would have graduated magna cum laude. He was elected to the Pi Gamma Mu international honor society, and the Phi Kappa Phi international honor society which, 37 years later gave him its Most Distinguished Member Award.[6]

He claimed to have led a guerrilla force called Ang Maharlika in northern Luzon during the Second World War, although his account of events was later cast into doubt after a U.S. military investigation found that many of his claims were false or inaccurate.[7]

Congressional career

House of Representatives

When the Philippines was granted independence on July 4, 1946 by the American government, the Philippine Congress was established. Marcos ran and was twice elected as representative of the 1st district of Ilocos Norte, 1949–1959. He was named chairman of the House Committee on Commerce and Industry and member of the Defense Committee headed by Ramon Magsaysay. He was chairman, House Neophytes Bloc in which (President) Diosdado Macapagal, (Vice President) Emmanuel Pelaez and (Manila Mayor) Arsenio J. Lacson were members, House Committee on Industry; LP spokesman on economic matters; member, Special Committee on Import and Price Controls and on Reparations; House Committees on Ways and Means, Banks Currency, War Veterans, Civil Service, Corporations and Economic Planning; and the House Electoral Tribunal.[8]

Senate

He was the topnotcher in the senatorial elections in 1959. He was Senate minority floor leader, 1960; executive vice president, LP 1954–1961; president, Liberal Party, 1961–1964; Senate President, 1959–1965. During his term as Senate President, former Defense Secretary Eulogio B. Balao was also closely working with Marcos. Marcos led a controversial political career both before and after his term as Senate President[clarification needed]. He became Senator after he served as member of the House of Representatives for three terms, then later as Minority Floor Leader before gaining the Senate Presidency. He introduced a number of significant bills, many of which found their way into the Republic statute books.[8]

Presidency

Juan Ponce Enrile, Acting Secretary of Finance (1966–1968), Secretary of Justice (1968–1970), Secretary of National Defense (1970–1971; 1972–1978) and Minister of National Defense (1978–1986)
Romeo Espino, Armed Forces Chief of Staff (1972–1980)
Fabian Ver, Armed Forces Chief of Staff (1980–1986)
Carlos P. Romulo, Secretary of Foreign Affairs (1973–1978) and Minister of Foreign Affairs (1978–1984)
Fidel Ramos, Chief of the Philippine Constabulary (1972–1986), and Marcos' second cousin[9]
Imelda Marcos, Minister of Human Settlements (1978–1986)
Ernesto Maceda, Jr., Chairman of the Presidential Arm on Community Development

First term (1965–1969)

Presidential campaign

Marcos was famous for his asserted anti-Japanese guerrilla activity during World War II—something that set him apart from his political opponents, many of whom had collaborated with the Japanese. Marcos won the presidency in 1965, but he is believed to have coerced people, bought votes, and committed electoral fraud in order to do so.[10]

Infrastructure programs

The leaders of the SEATO nations in front of the Congress Building in Manila, hosted by Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos on October 24, 1966. (L-R:) Prime Minister Nguyen Cao Ky (South Vietnam), Prime Minister Harold Holt (Australia), President Park Chung-hee (South Korea), President Ferdinand Marcos (Philippines), Prime Minister Keith Holyoake (New Zealand), Lt. Gen. Nguyen Van Thieu (South Vietnam), Prime Minister Thanom Kittikachorn (Thailand), President Lyndon B. Johnson (United States)
Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos with Lyndon B. Johnson and Lady Bird on September 12, 1966.

In his first State of the Nation Address (SONA), Marcos revealed his plans for economic development and government reform. Marcos wanted the immediate construction of roads, bridges and public works, which included 16,000 kilometers of feeder roads, some 30,000 lineal meters of permanent bridges, a generator with an electric power capacity of one million kilowatts (1,000,000 kW), and water services to eight regions and 38 localities. He also urged the revitalization of the judiciary, the national defense posture and the fight against smuggling, criminality, and graft and corruption in the government. [11]

To accomplish his goals “President Marcos mobilized the manpower and resources of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) for action to complement civilian agencies in such activities as infrastructure construction; economic planning and program execution; regional and industrial site planning and development; community development and others.”[12] The employment of technocrats in key positions and the mobilization of the AFP for civic actions resulted in the increasing functional integration of civilian and military elites.[12]

Vietnam War

To the surprise of many, soon after becoming president, Marcos wanted the Philippines to become involved in the Vietnam War, which was contrary to his previous position. (When the previous Philippine president, Macapagal, suggested in 1964–1965 to send troops it had been Marcos who had led the opposition against this plan on both legal and moral grounds.) Marcos asked Congress to approve sending a combat engineer unit to South Vietnam. Despite opposition against the new plan, the Marcos government gained Congressional approval and Philippine troops were sent from the middle of 1966 as the Philippines Civic Action Group (PHILCAG). PHILCAG reached a strength of some 1,600 troops in 1968 and between 1966 and 1970 over 10,000 Filipino soldiers served in South Vietnam, mainly being involved in civilian infrastructure projects.[13]

Second term (1969–1981)

1969 presidential election

In 1969, twelve candidates ran for president.

Marcos was reelected for a second term—the first Filipino president to win a second term.[14] The election was marked by massive violence, vote-buying, and fraud on Marcos' part,[15][16] and Marcos used $56 million from the Philippines' treasury to fund his campaign.[17] His running mate, incumbent Vice President Fernando Lopez was also elected to a third full term as Vice President of the Philippines.

Student uprising

In 1970, students in Manila mobilized enormous numbers of people to attend protests against alleged United States imperialism and the "rise of fascism" under Marcos. The protests later became known as the First Quarter Storm.[18]

Martial law and the New Society

Ferdinand Marcos with Secretary of State George Shultz, 1982.
It is easier perhaps and more comfortable to look back to the solace of a familiar and mediocre past. But the times are too grave and the stakes too high for us to permit the customary concessions to traditional democratic processes.
– Ferdinand Marcos, January 1973[19]

Marcos declared martial law on September 21, 1972, by virtue of Proclamation No. 1081, extending his rule beyond the constitutional two-term limit. He justified this by exaggerating threats of Communist and Muslim insurgencies.[20] This allowed Marcos to rule by decree, and he used this power to curtail press freedom and other civil liberties. He closed down Congress and media establishments, and ordered the arrest of opposition leaders and militant activists, including his staunchest critics, senators Benigno Aquino, Jr., Jovito Salonga and Jose Diokno.[21][22] Marcos claimed that martial law was the prelude to creating his Bagong Lipunan, a "New Society" based on new social and political values.[citation needed]

A constitutional convention, which had been called for[who?] in 1970 to replace the Commonwealth era 1935 Constitution, continued the work of framing a new constitution after the declaration of martial law. The new constitution went into effect in early 1973, changing the form of government from presidential to parliamentary and allowing Marcos to stay in power beyond 1973.[citation needed]

After establishing amendments to the constitution, legislative action, and his political powers, and with the Batasan under his control, President Marcos lifted martial law on January 17, 1981. However, the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus continued in the autonomous regions of Western Mindanao and Central Mindanao. The opposition dubbed the lifting of martial law as a mere "face lifting" as a precondition to the visit of Pope John Paul II.[23]

Marcos had a vision of a Bagong Lipunan (New Society) similar to Indonesian president Suharto's "New Order administration". He used the years of martial law to implement this vision. According to Marcos' book, "Notes on the New Society," it was a movement urging the poor and the privileged to work as one for the common goals of society and to achieve the liberation of the Filipino people through self-realization.[citation needed]

Marcos confiscated businesses owned by the existing oligarchy. More often than not, they were taken over by Marcos' family members and close personal friends, who used them as fronts to launder proceeds from graft and corruption, in various national governmental agencies. This was institutionalized "crony capitalism": Marcos' friends using government funds for personal benefit. Crony capitalism was intended to redistribute monopolies traditionally owned by Chinese and Mestizo oligarchs to Filipino businessmen, a nationalistic motive. However, in practice, it led to graft and corruption via bribery, racketeering, and embezzlement. Marcos also seized privately owned lands and redistributed them to farmers.

Marcos also silenced the free press, making the state press the only legal one. By waging an ideological war against the oligarchy, Marcos gained the support of the masses, although he was busy creating a new oligarchy in its place. Marcos left day-to-day government, for the most part, to Enrile, who used his power to settle scores against old rivals[citation needed]. Those enemies included the Lopezes, who were always opposed to the Marcos administration. Leading opponents such as Senators Benigno Aquino, Jr., Jose Diokno, Jovito Salonga and many others were imprisoned for months or years. This practice considerably alienated the support of the old social and economic elite and the media, who (in spite of the state press being the only legal one) criticized the Marcos administration endlessly.[citation needed][24]

Between 1972 and 1980, Marcos enhanced the power and financing of the military. He increased the size of the Philippine military from 60,000 to 160,000 personnel. Military officers were placed on the boards of a variety of media corporations, public utilities, development projects, and other private corporations. At the same time, Marcos made efforts to foster the growth of a domestic weapons manufacturing industry and heavily increased military spending.[25]

The GNP of the country stood at $11.5 billion by 1980, which represented a 6.6% average annual growth rate. The 1980 GNP is four times greater than the GNP in 1972. Rice production increased from 5.1 million metric tons in 1972 to 7.25 million metric tons in 1980 due to the Masagana 99 program which provided government backed loans to grow high yield rice crops.[26]

From the declaration of martial law in 1972, until 1983, the U.S. government provided $2.5 billion in bilateral military and economic aid to the Marcos regime, and about $5.5 billion through multilateral institutions such as the World Bank.[27]

In a 1979 U.S. Senate report, it was stated that U.S. officials were aware, as early as 1973, that Philippine government agents were in the United States to harass Filipino dissidents. In June 1981, two anti-Marcos labor activists were assassinated outside of a union hall in Seattle. On at least one occasion, CIA agents blocked FBI investigations of Philippine agents.[28]

The Marcos regime instituted a mandatory youth organization, known as the Kabataang Barangay, which was led by Marcos' eldest daughter Imee. Presidential Decree 684, enacted in April 1975, required that all youths aged 15 to 18 be shipped off to remote rural indoctrination camps, where they underwent a ritualistic program designed to instill loyalty to the First Couple.[29][30]

Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile, Chief of Staff of the Philippine Constabulary Fidel Ramos, and Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces of the Philippines Fabian Ver were the chief administrators of martial law from 1972 to 1981, and the three remained President Marcos' closest advisers until he was ousted in 1986. Enrile and Ramos would later abandon Marcos' 'sinking ship' and seek protection behind the 1986 People Power Revolution. The Catholic hierarchy and Manila's middle class were crucial to the success of the massive crusade.[citation needed]

Prime Minister

In 1978, the position returned when Ferdinand Marcos became Prime Minister. Based on Article 9 of the 1973 constitution, it had broad executive powers, that would be typical of modern prime ministers in other countries. The position was the official head of government, and the commander-in-chief of the armed forces. All of the previous powers of the President from the 1935 Constitution were transferred to the newly restored office of Prime Minister. The Prime Minister also acted as head of the National Economic Development Authority. Upon his reelection to President, Marcos was succeeded as Prime Minister by Cesar Virata in 1981.[citation needed]

Third term (1981–1986)

We love your adherence to democratic principles and to the democratic process, and we will not leave you in isolation.
– U.S. Vice-President George H. W. Bush during Ferdinand Marcos inauguration, June 1981[31]

On June 16, 1981, six months after the lifting of martial law, the first presidential election in twelve years was held. As to be expected, President Marcos ran and won a massive victory over the other candidates. The major opposition parties, the United Nationalists Democratic Organizations (UNIDO), a coalition of opposition parties and LABAN, boycotted the elections.

Aquino's assassination

In 1983, opposition leader Benigno Aquino, Jr. was assassinated by his Philippine military escort at the Manila International Airport upon his return to the Philippines after a long period of exile. The available evidence suggests that Imelda Marcos and General Fabian C. Ver planned the killing, but it is possible that Marcos himself gave the actual order to have Aquino killed. This coalesced popular dissatisfaction with Marcos' authoritarian governance and pilfering of public wealth, leading to widespread protests against the regime.[32]

Call for impeachment

Ferdinard Marcos in 1983.

On August 13, 1985, fifty-six Assemblymen signed a resolution calling for the impeachment of President Marcos for alleged diversion of U.S. aid for personal use,[33] citing a July 1985 San Jose Mercury News exposé of the Marcoses’ multi-million dollar investment and property holdings in the United States.[citation needed]

The properties allegedly amassed by the First Family were the Crown Building, Lindenmere Estate, and a number of residential apartments (in New Jersey and New York), a shopping center in New York, mansions (in London, Rome and Honolulu), the Helen Knudsen Estate in Hawaii and three condominiums in San Francisco, California.[citation needed]

The Assemblymen also included in the complaint the misuse and misapplication of funds “for the construction of the Film Center, where X-rated and pornographic films are exhibited, contrary to public morals and Filipino customs and traditions.”[citation needed]

Critics considered Marcos the quintessential kleptocrat,[34] having looted billions of dollars from the Filipino treasury. The large personality cult in the Philippines surrounding Marcos also led to disdain.[citation needed]

Downfall

By the mid-1980s, poor health was catching up to Marcos. During his third term, Marcos' health deteriorated rapidly due to kidney ailments, often described as lupus erythematosus. He was absent for weeks at a time for treatment, with no one to assume command. Marcos' regime was sensitive to publicity of his condition; a palace physician who alleged that during one of these periods Marcos had undergone a kidney transplant was shortly found murdered. Many people questioned whether he still had capacity to govern, due to his grave illness and the ballooning political unrest.[35] With Marcos ailing, his equally powerful wife, Imelda, emerged as the government's main public figure. Marcos dismissed speculations of his ailing health as he used to be an avid golfer and fitness buff who liked showing off his physique.

In light of these growing problems, the assassination of Aquino in 1983 would later prove to be the catalyst that led to his overthrow. Many Filipinos came to believe that Marcos, a shrewd political tactician, had no hand in the murder of Aquino but that he was involved in cover-up measures. However, the opposition blamed Marcos directly for the assassination while others blamed the military and his wife, Imelda. The 1985 acquittals of Ver as well as other high-ranking military officers for the crime were widely seen as a miscarriage of justice.[citation needed]

By 1984, his close personal ally, U.S. President Ronald Reagan, started distancing himself from the Marcos regime that he and previous American presidents had strongly supported even after Marcos declared martial law. The United States, which had provided hundreds of millions of dollars in aid, was crucial in buttressing Marcos' rule over the years.[36] During the Carter administration the relation with the U.S. soured somewhat when President Jimmy Carter targeted the Philippines in his human rights campaign, although the Philippines continued to receive U.S. aid during this period.[37]

In the face of escalating public discontent and under pressure from foreign allies, Marcos called a "Snap Election" in 1986, with more than a year left in his term. He selected Arturo Tolentino as his running mate.[citation needed] The opposition to Marcos united behind Aquino's widow, Corazon, and her running mate, Salvador Laurel.[38][39]

The "People Power movement" drove Marcos into exile and installed Corazon Aquino as the new president.[40] At the height of the revolution, Enrile revealed that his ambush was faked in order for Marcos to have a pretext for imposing martial law. However, Marcos maintained that he was the duly elected and proclaimed president of the Philippines for a fourth term.[citation needed]

The Philippine government today is still paying interest in public debts incurred during Marcos' administration (note, however, that it is not the only government paying interest on old public debts.) It was reported that, when Marcos fled, U.S. Customs agents discovered 24 suitcases of gold bricks and diamond jewelry hidden in diaper bags and in addition, certificates for gold bullion valued in the billions of dollars were allegedly among the personal properties he, his family, his cronies and business partners surreptitiously took with them when the Reagan administration provided them safe passage to Hawaii. When the presidential mansion was taken over, it was discovered that Imelda Marcos had over 2700 pairs of shoes in her closet.[41]

Economy

Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos on a walk with U.S President Ronald Reagan.

To help finance a number of economic development projects, the Marcos government borrowed large amounts of money from international lenders.[42][43] The Philippines' external debt rose from $360 million (US) in 1962 to $28.3 billion in 1986, making the Philippines one of the most indebted countries in Asia.[42] A sizable amount of this money went to Marcos family and friends in the form of behest loans. These loans were assumed by the government and are still being serviced by taxpayers. Today, more than half of the country's revenues are outlaid for the payments on the interests of loans alone.[citation needed]

Foreign capital was invited to invest in industrial projects. They were offered incentives, including tax exemption privileges and the privilege of bringing out their profits in foreign currencies. One of the most important economic programs in the 1980s was the Kilusang Kabuhayan at Kaunlaran (Movement for Livelihood and Progress), which was started in September 1981. Its aim was to promote the economic development of the barangays by encouraging its residents to engage in their own livelihood projects. The government's efforts resulted in the increase of the nation's economic growth rate to an average of six percent or seven percent from 1970 to 1980.[44]

The Philippine economy suffered a great decline after the Aquino assassination in August 1983. The political troubles hindered the entry of foreign investments, and foreign banks stopped granting loans to the Philippine government.[citation needed] In an attempt to launch a national economic recovery program, Marcos negotiated with foreign creditors including the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), for a restructuring of the country's foreign debts – to give the Philippines more time to pay the loans. Marcos ordered a cut in government expenditures and used a portion of the savings to finance the Sariling Sikap (Self-Reliance), a livelihood program he established in 1984.[citation needed]

However, the economy went into recession from the beginning of 1984 and continued to decline despite the government's recovery efforts. The recovery program's failure was contributed to by civil unrest, rampant graft and corruption within the government, and Marcos' lack of credibility. Marcos himself diverted large sums of government money to his party's campaign funds. The unemployment rate, however, remained stable from 6.30% in 1972 to 5.80% in 1985.[45]

Between 1972 and 1980, the average monthly income of wage workers had grown by 310%. By 1981, the wealthiest 10% of the population was receiving twice as much income as the bottom 60%.[46]

With help from the Rockefeller and Ford Foundations, Marcos brought the "Green Revolution" (industrialized, chemical agriculture) to the Philippines. These reforms resulted in high profits for transnational corporations, but were generally harmful to small, peasant farmers who were often pushed into poverty.[47] After declaring martial law in 1972, Marcos promised to implement agrarian reforms. However, the land reforms "served largely to undermine Marcos' landholder opponents, not to lessen inequality in the countryside",[48] and "encouraged conversion to cash tenancy and greater reliance on farm workers".[49] From 1972 to 1980, agricultural production fell by 30%.[46]

Under Marcos, exports of timber products were among the nation's top exports. Little attention was paid to the environmental impacts of deforestation. By the early 1980s, the industry had collapsed because most of the Philippines' accessible forests had been depleted.[50]

Post-presidency

At 3:00 p.m., February 20, 1986, Marcos talked to United States Senator Paul Laxalt, asking for advice from the White House. Laxalt advised him to "cut and cut cleanly", to which Marcos expressed his disappointment after a short pause. In the afternoon, Marcos talked to Enrile, asking for safe passage for him and his family including his close allies like General Ver. Finally, at 9:00 p.m., the Marcos family was transported by four Sikorsky HH-3E helicopters[51] to Clark Air Base in Angeles City, Pampanga, about 83 kilometers north of Manila, before boarding US Air Force C-130 planes bound for Andersen Air Force Base in Guam, and finally to Hickam Air Force Base in Hawaii where Marcos arrived on February 26. Marcos died in Honolulu on September 28, 1989, of kidney, heart and lung ailments. He was interred in a private mausoleum at Byodo-In Temple on the island of Oahu, visited daily by the Marcos family, political allies and friends. Marcos' remains are currently interred inside a refrigerated crypt in Ilocos Norte, where his son, Ferdinand, Jr., and eldest daughter, Imee have since become the local governor and representative, respectively. A Mount Rushmore-esque bust of Ferdinand Marcos, commissioned by Tourism Minister Jose Aspiras, was earlier carved into a hillside in Benguet. It was subsequently destroyed by suspects that include left-wing activists, members of a local tribe who have been displaced by its construction, and looters hunting for the Marcos' legendary hidden treasure.[52] Imelda Marcos was acquitted of embezzlement by a U.S. court in 1990 but was still facing a few hundred additional corruption charges in Philippine courts in 2006.

In 1995 some 10,000 Filipinos won a U.S. class-action lawsuit filed against the Marcos estate. The charges were filed by victims or their surviving relatives for torture, execution and disappearances.[53][54]

Corazon Aquino repealed many of the repressive laws that had been enacted during Marcos' dictatorship. She restored the right to habeas corpus, repealed anti-labor laws, and freed hundreds of political prisoners.[55]

From 1989 to 1996, a series of suits were brought before U.S. courts against Marcos and his daughter Imee, charging them with executions, torture, and disappearances committed under their command. A jury in the Ninth Circuit Court awarded $2 billion to the plaintiffs and to a class composed of human rights victims and their families.[56] On June 12, 2008, the US Supreme Court (in a 7–2 ruling penned by Justice Anthony Kennedy in “Republic of the Philippines v. Mariano Pimentel”) held that: “The judgment of the Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit is reversed, and the case is remanded with instructions to order the District Court to dismiss the interpleader action.” The court dismissed the interpleader lawsuit filed to determine the rights of 9,500 Filipino human rights victims (1972–1986) to recover $35 million, part of a $2 billion judgment in U.S. courts against the Marcos estate, because the Philippines is an indispensable party, protected by sovereign immunity. It claimed ownership of the funds transferred by Marcos in 1972 to Arelma S.A., which invested the money with Merrill Lynch, Pierce, Fenner & Smith Inc., in New York.[57][58][59]

Human rights groups place the number of victims of extrajudicial killings under martial law at 1500 and Karapatan, a local human rights group's records show 759 involuntarily disappeared (their bodies were never found). Military historian Alfred McCoy in his book "Closer than Brothers: Manhood at the Philippine Military Academy" and in his speech "Dark Legacy" cites 3,257 extrajudicial killings, 35,000 torture victims, and 70,000 incarcerated during the Marcos years.[60][61] The newspaper Bulatlat (lit. "to open carelessly") places the number of victims of arbitrary arrest and detention at 120,000.[62]

Legacy

Concept designs of the New Design ₱500 bill, with Benigno Aquino, Jr. featured on the left and Ferdinand Marcos on the right.

Marcos' family and friends took so much wealth from the country for personal use that to this day investigators have difficulty determining precisely how many billions of dollars were stolen. However, it is estimated that Marcos alone stole at least $5 billion from the Filipino treasury.[63][64] The Swiss government, initially reluctant to respond to allegations that looted funds were held in Swiss accounts,[65] has returned US$684 million of Marcos’ wealth.[66][67][68]

According to Jovito Salonga, monopolies in several vital industries have been created and placed under the control of friends of Marcos, such as the coconut industries (under Eduardo Cojuangco, Jr. and Juan Ponce Enrile), the tobacco (under Lucio Tan), the banana (under Antonio Floirendo), the sugar industry (under Roberto Benedicto) and manufacturing (under Herminio Disini and Ricardo Silverio). The Marcos and Romualdez families became owners, directly or indirectly, of the nation's largest corporations, such as the Philippine Long Distance Company (PLDC), of which the present name is Philippine Long Distance Telephone (PLDT), the Philippine Airlines (PAL), Meralco (a national electric company), Fortune Tobacco, the San Miguel Corporation (Asia's largest beer and bottling company), numerous newspapers, radio and TV broadcasting companies (such as ABS-CBN), several banks, and real estate properties in New York, California and Hawaii.[69] The Aquino government also accused them of skimming off foreign aid and international assistance.[citation needed]

Many laws written by Marcos are still in force and in effect. Out of thousands of proclamations, decrees and executive orders, only a few were repealed, revoked, modified or amended.[70] Few credit Marcos for promoting Filipino culture and nationalism. His 21 years in power with the help of U.S. massive economic aid and foreign loans enabled Marcos to build more schools, hospitals and infrastructure than any of his predecessors combined.[71]

Personal life

He was married to Imelda Romualdez-Marcos, with four children:

Ancestry

Writings

  • Today's Revolution: Democracy (1971)
  • Notes on the New Society of the Philippines II (1976)
  • An Ideology for Filipinos (1980)
  • Marcos' Notes for the Cancun Summit, 1981 (1981)
  • Progress and Martial Law (1981)
  • The New Philippine Republic: A Third World Approach to Democracy (1982)
  • Toward a New Partnership: The Filipino Ideology (1983)

See also

References

  1. ^ Steinberg, David J. (2000). The Philippines: a singular and a plural place. Basic Books. pp. 115–116. ISBN 9780813337555. http://books.google.com/books?id=8mf8YUky_mMC&pg=PA115. 
  2. ^ Celoza, Albert F. (1997). Ferdinand Marcos and the Philippines: the political economy of authoritarianism. Greenwood Publishing. p. 23. ISBN 9780275941376. 
  3. ^ http://www.nndb.com/people/014/000029924/
  4. ^ Mariano Marcos vs. Roman A. Cruz Philippines Supreme Court
  5. ^ Justice Jose P. Laurel penned the ponencia (in People vs. Mariano Marcos, et al., 70 Phil. 468) which was concurred by chief justice Avanceña and justices Imperial, Diaz, and Horilleno.
  6. ^ See page 32, http://www.utoledo.edu/as/pdfs/100years.pdf
  7. ^ McCoy, Alfred W. (1999). Closer than brothers: manhood at the Philippine Military Academy. Yale University Press. pp. 167–170. ISBN 9780300077650. http://books.google.com/books?id=GNFRaSf1dP4C&pg=PA167. 
  8. ^ a b Ferdinand Edralin Marcos. Philippines Senate
  9. ^ Marcos and Fidel V. Ramos are second cousins.
  10. ^ Abinales, P.N. (2000). Making Mindanao: Cotabato and Davao in the formation of the Philippine nation-state. Ateneo de Manila University Press. p. 156. ISBN 9789715503495. http://books.google.com/books?id=nwDzRHOc7cwC&pg=PA156. 
  11. ^ "Ferdinand E. Marcos, First State of the Nation Address, January 24, 1966". http://www.gov.ph/1966/01/24/ferdinand-e-marcos-first-state-of-the-nation-address-january-24-1966/. 
  12. ^ a b Manuel A. Caoili. “The Philippine Congress and the Political Order,” Philippine Journal of Public Administration, Vol.XXX no. 1 (January, 1986), p. 21.[unreliable source?]
  13. ^ Lieutenant General Larsen, Stanley Robert (1985) "Chapter III: The Phillipines" in Allied Participation in Vietnam, U.S. Army[unreliable source?]
  14. ^ Timberman, David G. (1991). A changeless land: continuity and change in Philippine politics. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. p. 63. http://books.google.com/books?id=NkBO2RhI4NUC&pg=PA63. 
  15. ^ Boudreau, Vincent (2004). Resisting dictatorship: repression and protest in Southeast Asia. Cambridge University Press. p. 7. ISBN 9780521839891. http://books.google.com/books?id=ZpoCNHhUe7QC&pg=PA7. 
  16. ^ Hedman, Eva-Lotta E. (2006). In the name of civil society: from free election movements to people power in the Philippines. University of Hawaii Press. p. 70. ISBN 9780824829216. http://books.google.com/books?id=CIYn9_ZMMesC&pg=PA70. 
  17. ^ McCoy, Alfred W. (2009). Policing America's empire: the United States, the Philippines, and the rise of the surveillance state. University of Wisconsin Press. p. 52. ISBN 9780299234140. http://books.google.com/books?id=QYj6WUGsRuEC&pg=PA52. 
  18. ^ Silliman, G. Sidney & Noble, Lela Garner (1998). "Introduction". Organizing for democracy: NGOs, civil society, and the Philippine State. University of Hawaii Press. p. 16. ISBN 9780824820435. http://books.google.com/books?id=0kUA0vs63KkC&pg=PA16. 
  19. ^ "THE PHILIPPINES: Farewell to Democracy". Time. January 29, 1973. http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,903757,00.html. 
  20. ^ Mendoza Jr, Amado (2009). "'People Power' in the Philippines, 1983–1986". In Roberts, Adam & Ash, Timothy Garton. Civil resistance and power politics: the experience of non-violent action from Gandhi to the present. Oxford University Press. p. 181. ISBN 9780199552016. http://books.google.com/books?id=BxOQKrCe7UUC&pg=PA181. 
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  24. ^ For a detailed treatment of corruption under Marcos, see Chaikin, David & Sharman, Jason Campbell (2009). "The Marcos Kleptocracy". Corruption and money laundering: a symbiotic relationship. Macmillan. ISBN 9780230613607. http://books.google.com/books?id=amZkAdGTkl4C&pg=PA153. 
  25. ^ Moran, Jon (Jun 1999). "Patterns of Corruption and Development in East Asia". Third World Quarterly 20 (3): 579. 
  26. ^ http://www.gov.ph/1980/07/28/ferdinand-e-marcos-fifteenth-state-of-the-nation-address-july-28-1980/
  27. ^ Bello, Walden (Winter 1985/1986). "Edging toward the Quagmire: The United States and the Philippine Crisis". World Policy Journal 3 (1): 31. 
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  29. ^ McCoy, Alfred W. (2009). An Anarchy of Families: State and Family in the Philippines. University of Wisconsin Press. p. 17. ISBN 9780299229849. http://books.google.com/books?id=fawaNZu-yqUC&pg=PA17. 
  30. ^ Wurfel, David (1988). Filipino Politics: Development and Decay. Cornell University Press. p. 130. ISBN 978-0-8014-9926-5. http://books.google.com/books?id=R-oK4ZetPIAC&pg=PA130. 
  31. ^ "Philippines: Together Again". Time. July 13, 1981. http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,953029,00.html. 
  32. ^ Thompson, Mark R. (1995). The anti-Marcos struggle: personalistic rule and democratic transition in the Philippines. Yale University Press. pp. 114–115. ISBN 9780300062434. http://books.google.com/books?id=PzRJzMPQQJ8C&pg=PA114. 
  33. ^ Blitz, Amy (2000). The contested state: American foreign policy and regime change in the Philippines. Rowman & Littlefield. pp. 167–168. ISBN 9780847699346. http://books.google.com/books?id=n2rdOhMdCDEC&pg=PA167. 
  34. ^ See for example Wintrobe, Ronald (2000). The Political Economy of Dictatorship. Cambridge University Press. pp. 11; 132. ISBN 9780521794497. http://books.google.com/books?id=o4G8SlNUROoC&pg=PA132. 
  35. ^ Wurfel, David (1988). Filipino Politics: Development and Decay. Cornell University Press. p. 289. ISBN 978-0-8014-9926-5. http://books.google.com/books?id=R-oK4ZetPIAC&pg=PA289. 
  36. ^ Pace, Eric (September 29, 1989). "Autocrat With a Regal Manner, Marcos Ruled for 2 Decades". The New York Times. http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=FA0715FE3A5E0C7A8EDDA00894D1484D81. Retrieved January 24, 2011. 
  37. ^ Seagrave, Sterling. The Marcos Dynasty, p. 248
  38. ^ Pollard, Vincent Kelly (2004). Globalization, democratization and Asian leadership: power sharing, foreign policy and society in the Philippines and Japan. Ashgate Publishing. p. 50. ISBN 9780754615392. http://books.google.com/books?id=L37RZlzA530C&pg=PA50. 
  39. ^ Parnell, Philip C. (2003). "Criminalizing Colonialism: Democracy Meets Law in Manila". In Parnell, Philip C. & Kane, Stephanie C.. Crime's power: anthropologists and the ethnography of crime. Palgrave-Macmillan. p. 214. ISBN 9781403961792. http://books.google.com/books?id=j2hpz4_fob4C&pg=PA214. 
  40. ^ Tate, C. Neal (1999). "Judicial Defense of Human Rights during the Marcos Dictatorship in the Phillipines: The Careers of Claudio Teehankee and Cecelia Muñoz Palma". In Gibney, Mark & Frankowski, Stanislaw. Judicial protection of human rights: myth or reality?. Greenwood Publishing. p. 123. ISBN 9780275960117. http://books.google.com/books?id=o5xT93jLhxMC&pg=PA123. 
  41. ^ "Ferdinand E. Marcos". Encyclopedia Britannica. http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/364302/Ferdinand-E-Marcos. Retrieved November 19, 2007. 
  42. ^ a b Boyce, James K. (1993). The political economy of growth and impoverishment in the Marcos era. Ateneo de Manila University Press. p. 10. ISBN 9789715500968. http://books.google.com/books?id=IAL5Dx5SWy4C&pg=PA10. 
  43. ^ See Hutchcroft, Paul David (1998). Booty capitalism: the politics of banking in the Philippines. Cornell University Press. ISBN 9780801434280. http://books.google.com/books?id=IqlmT6BsFoQC. 
  44. ^ Aniceto C. Orbeta Jr., Structural Adjustment and Poverty Alleviation in the Philippines, Philippine Institute for Development Studies, April 1996.
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  46. ^ a b Morada, Noel M. & Collier, Christopher (1998). "The Philippines: State Versus Society?". In Alagappa, Muthiah. Asian security practice: material and ideational influences. Stanford University Press. p. 554. ISBN 9780804733489. http://books.google.com/books?id=1t2DRZeDVx8C&pg=PA554. 
  47. ^ Nadeau, Kathleen M. (2002). Liberation theology in the Philippines: faith in a revolution. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 21. ISBN 9780275971984. http://books.google.com/books?id=kAINJWo4IJ4C&pg=PA21. 
  48. ^ Kang, David C. (2002). Crony capitalism: corruption and development in South Korea and the Philippines. Cambridge University Press. p. 28. ISBN 9780521004084. http://books.google.com/books?id=im465FAopWMC&pg=PA28. 
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  53. ^ Brysk, Alison (2005). Human rights and private wrongs: constructing global civil society. Psychology Press. p. 82. ISBN 9780415944779. http://books.google.com/books?id=p955OKtyCbIC&pg=PA82. 
  54. ^ Hrvoje Hranjski (September 12, 2006). "No hero's resting place as Imelda Marcos finds site for husband's grave". The Scotsman (UK). http://news.scotsman.com/ViewArticle.aspx?articleid=2809885. Retrieved November 19, 2007. 
  55. ^ Schirmer, Daniel B. & Shalom, Stephen R. (1987). The Philippines reader: a history of colonialism, neocolonialism, dictatorship, and resistance. South End Press. p. 361. ISBN 9780896082755. http://books.google.com/books?id=TXE73VWcsEEC&pg=PA361. 
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