- Joel Kovel
Joel Kovel (born
27 August 1936) is an American politician, academic, writer and eco-socialist. A practicing psychiatrist and psychoanalyst until the mid-1980s, he has lectured in psychiatry, anthropology, political scienceand communication studies. He has published many books on his work in psychiatry, psychoanalysisand political activism. He is a member of the Green Party of the US (GPUS). He is married, having three children, three stepchildren and five grandchildren, and resides in Willow, a rural district of Woodstock, Ulster County, New York [http://www.joelkovel.org Joel Kovel's Website] .] . Kovel is the Father-in-lawof comedian Greg Fitzsimmons.
Early life and education
In 1936, Kovel was born in
Brooklyn, New York, and spent his childhood between Brooklynand Long Island. He first attended Yale Collegeand then studied medicine at Columbia University, where he gained a medical degree in 1961. Following this, he studied psychiatry at the Albert Einstein College of Medicine, becoming Director of Residency Training (1977-83) and Professor of Psychiatry (1979-86) at the college. He also holds a diploma in psychoanalysisfrom the Downstate Medical Center Institute.
Kovel took up a career in
psychiatryand psychoanalysisuntil the mid-1980s, when he became disillusioned with the health care system. In addition to his work in Psychiatry, Kovel has been Adjunct Professor of Anthropology at the Graduate Faculty in the New School for Social Research; Visiting Professor of Political Science and Communications at the University of California (1986-7); Visiting Professor at San Diego State University(1990); Visiting Professor of Communication at the University of California(1993); and Alger Hiss Professor of Social Studies, Bard Collegebetween 1988 and 2003, and Distinguished Professor of Social Studies at the institution since 2003.
Kovel has contributed to many journals and magazines. He is currently the Editor-in-Chief of "Capitalism Nature Socialism", a quarterly journal on Eco-socialism.
As a writer, Kovel has published nine books and over a hundred articles in various publications. Many of his books have been related to his work psychiatry and psychoanalysis. "White Racism: A Psychohistory", released in 1972, was nominated for a
National Book Awardin Religion and Philosophy. His work in the psychiatric-psychoanalytic systemwas documented in 1981 with the publication of "The Age of Desire: Case Histories of a Radical Psychoanalyst". "The Radical Spirit: Essays on Psychoanalysis and Society" won "Choice Outstanding Academic Book" for 1989.
Other works have focused on politics and
eco-socialism, including "Against the State of Nuclear Terror" (1983) and 1994's "Red Hunting in the Promised Land", a study of anticommunist repression in America. "The Enemy of Nature: The End of Capitalism or The End of the World", was published in 2002.
Kovel's most recent book, "Overcoming Zionism: Creating a Single Democratic State in Israel-Palestine," became the focus of intense controversy in 2007.
Kovel became involved in political activism during the
Vietnam War. He has been an active member of anti-nuclear movementand peace campaigns, Central American and Caribbean solidarity movements, the movements for democratic mediaand environmental campaigns. As part of his campaigning work, he lived briefly in Nicaraguain 1986 and joined the Pastors for Peaceas they broke the US blockade on Cubain their 1994 Friendshipment.
In 1990, Kovel moved into party politics by joining the Green Party of the US. Since joining, he has been the Green Party candidate for
US Senatorfrom New York. He also ran for the Green Party's Presidential nomination in 2000 but was beaten by Ralph Nader.
Controversy regarding "Overcoming Zionism"
The American distributor of Kovel's book "Overcoming Zionism", the University of Michigan Press, temporarily suspended distribution of the book in August 2007 after accusations of anti-semitism. Philip Pachoda, Director of the
University of Michigan Press, characterized Kovel's book as "hate speech." [ [http://jnonline.us/main.asp?SectionID=23&SubSectionID=58&ArticleID=3797 Denied:1up! Software ] ] Three members of the University's board of Regents criticized distribution of Kovel's book on the grounds that it "“debases the press’ franchise and leaves the press and the university open to damage.” [ [http://www.insidehighered.com/news/2007/11/19/qt Quick Takes: Publishing Controversy, Concerns on A&M Search, Decline of Reading, Hunger Strike Ends, Maricopa Hire Questioned, Win for David Noble, Schools Won't Tell, Tuition Hikes Faulted, Gallaudet Off Probation, Reprieve for Paintings, Rhodes Scholars :: Inside Higher Ed :: Jobs, News and Views for All of Higher Education ] ] Betsy Kellman, director of the Michigan Anti-Defamation Leaguechapter described the book as dealing in "anti-Semitic canards." [ [http://www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?cid=1192380734150&pagename=JPost%2FJPArticle%2FPrinter Israel critique on campus |Jerusalem Post ] ] A group of six pro-Israel organizaitons, including the National Christian Leadership Council for Israel and the Michigan chapters of the American Jewish Congress, the Jewish Community Relations Council, and B'nai Brith, issued a statement describing Kovel's book as "often anti-Semitic in nature." [ [http://antiracistblog.blogspot.com/2007/12/detroit-jewish-news-editor-calls-on.html Anti-Racist Blog: Exposing Anti-Semitism and Anti-Zionism on American College Campuses: Detroit Jewish News Editor Calls on The University of Michigan To Break All Ties to Joel Kovel and Pluto Press ] ]
University of Michigan Press"voted unanimously" in October 2007 to continue distributing books with Kovel's publisher, Pluto Press, overturning the original suspension. This came after what Democracy Now!called a "growing campaign led by fellow academics and civil libertarians", including historian Howard Zinn. [http://www.democracynow.org/2007/10/29/university_of_michigan_press_to_continue Democracy Now! |University of Michigan Press to Continue Publishing Joel Kovel's "Overcoming Zionism" After Initially Dropping Book Due to Rightwing Criticism] .] Zinn wrote a letter on behalf of the Committee for an Open Discussion of Zionism(CODZ) - a group formed in September 2007 to support Kovel immediately and then organise a conference "that will address both the issue of suppression and Zionism itself" [http://www.codz.org/node/7 CODZ Victory Statement: Pluto Press Prevails, so far. Nov. 17, 2007 |Committee for Open Discussion of Zionism] .] - urging the end of the suspension, which he blamed on an "ultra-Zionist group called StandWithUs" with links to Campus Watch; he described "Overcoming Zionism" as "serious, well researched work espousing a humanistic resolution". [http://www.codz.org/node/6 Howard Zinn letter |Committee for Open Discussion of Zionism] .] CODZ, who's Honourary Co-Chairs include Zinn and Norman Finkelstein[http://www.codz.org/node/9 Who We Are |Committee for Open Discussion of Zionism] .] , further claimed to have "successfully solicited hundreds of letters in support of continuing the distribution agreement with Pluto Press Publications". Other groups, such as Students Allied for Freedom and Equality(SAFE) at the University of Michigan, also supported Kovel. [http://www.umsafe.org/ Students Allied for Freedom and Equality] .]
Following a review of its arrangements with all outside publishers, the University of Michigan Press announced in June 2008 that it will sever its ties with Pluto Press when the current contract expires at the end of 2008, which will end UMP's distribution of Kovel's book. [ [http://www.insidehighered.com/news/2008/06/18/pluto "Michigan Severs Ties to Controversial Publisher"] by Scott Jaschik, "
Inside Higher Ed," June 18, 2008]
In 2001, Kovel and
Michael Löwy, an anthropologist and member of the Reunified Fourth International(a principal Trotskyistorganisation), released "An ecosocialist manifesto", which set out to define eco-socialist ideologycite book
author= Kovel, J.
coauthors= Löwy, M.
title= An ecosocialist manifesto
year= 2001] has been adopted by some organisations [http://www.greenleft.org.uk Green Left (Green Party of England and Wales) Website] ] . Kovel's 2002 work, "The Enemy of Nature: The End of Capitalism or the End of the World?", is considered by many, such as
Derek Wall, to be the most up-to-date exposition of eco-socialist thought.Wall, D., "Babylon and Beyond: The Economics of Anti-Capitalist, Anti-Globalist and Radical Green Movements", 2005]
Critique of capitalist expansion and globalisation
Kovel is anti-capitalist and
anti-globalization, seeing globalizationas a force driven by capitalism- in turn, the rapid economic growthencouraged by globalization causes acute ecological crisesKovel, J., "The Enemy of Nature", 2002.] . He believes that capitalist firms have to continue to generate profit through a combination of continually intensifying exploitation and selling to new markets: this means that capitalism must grow indefinitely to exist, which seems impossible on a planet of finite resources.
In the "Ecosocialist manifesto", Kovel and Löwy suggest that capitalist expansion causes both "crises of ecology" through "rampant
industrialization" and "societal breakdown" that springs "from the form of imperialismknown as globalization". They believe that capitalism's expansion "exposes ecosystems" to pollutants, habitat destruction and resource depletion, "reducing the sensuous vitality of natureto the cold exchangeability required for the accumulation of capital", while submerging "the majority of the world's people to a mere reservoir of labor power" as it penetrates communities through " consumerismand depoliticization". Furthermore, Kovel sees the form of neo-liberal globalizationas "a return to the pure logic of capital" that "has effectively swept away measures which had inhibited capital’s aggressivity, replacing them with naked exploitation of humanity and nature"; for Kovel, this "tearing down of boundaries", which was "a deliberate response to a serious accumulation crisis" in the 1970s, has become the definition of modern ' globalization'. [http://www.newsocialist.org/index.php?id=1321 New Socialist Group: WHY ECOSOCIALISM TODAY? Joel Kovel NS 61] ]
As eco-socialists disagree with the elite theories of capitalism, which tend to label a specific class or social group as conspirators who construct a system that satisfies their greed and personal desires, Kovel suggests that the capitalist system itself is self-perpetuating, fuelled by extra-human or impersonal forces. He uses the Bhopal Union-Carbide industrial disaster as an example. Many anti-corporation observers would blame the avarice of those at the top of many multi-national corporations. Conversely, Kovel traces systemic impulses. Union Carbide were experiencing a decrease in sales that led to falling profits, which, due to stock market conditions, translated into a drop in share values. The depreciation of share value made many shareholders sell their stock, weakening the company and leading to cost-cutting measures that eroded the safety procedures and mechanisms at the Bhopal site. Though this did not, in Kovel's mind, make Bhopal inevitable, it illustrates the effect market forces can have on increasing the likelihood of ecological and social problems.
Use and exchange value
Kovel follows Marx's theories about the contradiction between
Use values and Exchange values. As he explains in "The Enemy of Nature", within a market economy, goods are not produced to meet needs but are produced to be exchanged for money that we then use to acquire other goods. As we have to keep selling in order to keep buying, we must persuade others to buy our goods just to ensure our survival, which leads to the production of goods with no previous use that can be sold to sustain our ability to buy other goods. Kovel stresses that this contradiction has reached a destructive extent, where certain essential activities - such as caring for relatives full-time and basic subsistence - are unrewarded, while unnecessary economic activities earn certain individuals huge fortunes.
The role of the state and transstatal organisations
Capitalist expansion is seen by Kovel as being "hand in glove" with "corrupt and subservient client
states" that repress dissent against the system, governed by international organisations "under the overall supervision of the Western powers and the superpower United States", which subordinate peripheral nations economically and militarily. Kovel further claims that capitalism itself spurs conflictand, ultimately, war. Kovel states that the ' War on Terror', between Islamist extremistsand the USA, is caused by "oil imperialism", whereby the capitalist nations require control over sources of energy, especially oil, which are necessary to continue intensive industrial growth - in the quest for control of such resources, Kovel argues that the capitalist nations, specifically the USA, have come into conflict with the predominantly Muslimnations where oil is often found.
Kovel believes that
stateor self-regulation of markets does not solve the crisis "because to do so requires setting limits upon accumulation", which is "unacceptable" for a growth-orientated system; they believe that terrorismand revolutionary impulses cannot be tackled properly "because to do so would mean abandoning the logic of empire". Instead, eco-socialists feel that increasing repressive counter-terrorismincreases alienation and causes further terrorismand believe that state counter-terrorist methods are, in Kovel and Löwy's words, "evolving into a new and malignant variation of fascism". They echo Rosa Luxemburg's "stark choice" between "socialism or barbarism", which was believed to be a prediction of the coming of fascismand further forms of destructive capitalism at the beginning of the twentieth century (Luxemburg was in fact murdered by proto-fascist Freikorpsin the revolutionary atmosphere of Germanyin 1919).
Critique of other forms of green politics and socialism
Kovel criticises many within the
Green movementfor not being overtly anti-capitalist, for working within the existing capitalist, statist system, for voluntarism, or for reliance on technological fixes. He suggests that eco-socialismdiffers from Green politicsat the most fundamental level because the 'Four Pillars' of Green politics (and the 'Ten Key Values' of the US Green Party) do not include the demand for the emancipation of labourand the end of the separation between producers and the means of production.
Opposition to within-system approaches, voluntarism and technological fixes
Kovel is highly critical of those Greens who favour "working within the system". While he recognises the ability of within-system approaches to raise awareness, and believe that "the struggle for an ecologically rational world must include a struggle for the
state", he believes that the mainstream Green movementis too easily co-opted by the current powerful socio-political forces as it "passes from citizen-based activismto ponderous bureaucracies scuffling for 'a seat at the table'". For Kovel, capitalism is "happy to enlist" the Green movementfor "convenience", "control over popular dissent" and "rationalization". He further attacks within-system green initiatives like carbon trading, which he sees as a "capitalist shell game" that turns pollution"into a fresh source of profit".
In addition, Kovel criticises the "defeatism" of voluntarism in some local forms of
environmentalismthat do not connect together: he suggests that they can be "drawn off into individualism" or co-opted to the demands of capitalism, as in the case of certain recyclingprojects, where citizens are "induced to provide free labor" to waste managementindustries who are involved in the "capitalization of nature". He labels the notion on voluntarism "ecopolitics without struggle".
Kovel notes that "events in nature are reciprocal and multi-determined" and can therefore not be predictably "fixed"; socially, technologies cannot solve social problems because they are not "mechanical". He posits an analysis, developed from Marx, that patterns of production and social organisation are more important then the forms of technology used within a given configuration of society. Under capitalism, he suggests that technology "has been the "sine qua non" of growth" - thus he believes that, even in a world with hypothetical "free energy", the effect would be to lower the cost of
automobileproduction, leading to the massive overproductionof vehicles, "collapsing infrastructure", chronic resource depletionand the "paving over" of the "remainder of nature". In the modern world, Kovel considers the supposed efficiency of new post-industrialcommodities is a "plain illusion", as miniaturized components involve many substances and are therefore non-recyclable (and, theoretically, only simple substances could be retrieved by burning out-of-date equipment, releasing more pollutants). He is quick to warn "environmental liberals" against over-selling the virtues of renewable energies that cannot meet the mass energy consumption of the era; although he would still support renewable energyprojects, he believes it is more important to restructure societies to reduce energy use before relying on renewable energytechnologies alone.
Critique of Green economics
Kovel believes that eco-socialists must reject at a fundamental level what he calls "
ecological economics" or the "ecological wing of mainstream economics" for being "uninterested in social transformation". He furthers rejects the Neo-Smithian school, who believe in Adam Smith's vision of "a capitalism of small producers, freely exchanging with each other", which is self-regulating and competitive. The school is represented by thinkers like David Kortenwho believe in "regulated markets" checked by government and civil societybut, for Kovel, they do not provide a critique of the expansive nature of capitalism away from localised production and ignore "questions of class, genderor any other category of domination". Kovel also criticises their "fairy-tale" view of history, which refers to the abuse of " natural capital" by the materialismof the Scientific Revolution, an assumption that, in Kovel's eyes, seems to suggest that "nature had toiled to put the gift of capital into human hands", rather than capitalism being a product of social relations in human history.
Other forms of
Community-based economicsare also rejected by Kovel, including followers of E. F. Schumacherand some members of the Cooperative movement, for advocating "no more than a very halting and isolated first step". He thinks that their principles are "only partially realizable within the institutions of cooperatives in capitalist society" because "the internal cooperation" of cooperatives is "forever hemmed in and compromised" by the need to expand value and compete within the market. For Kovel, Community-based economicsand Green Localism are "a fantasy" because "strict localism belongs to the aboriginal stages of society" and would be an "ecological nightmare at present population levels" due to "heat loses from a multitude of dispersed sites, the squandering of scare resources, the needless reproduction of effort, and cultural impoverishment". While he feels that small-scale production units are "an essential part of the path towards an ecological society", he sees them not as "an end in itself"; in his view, small enterprises can be either capitalist or socialist in their configuration and therefore must be "consistently anti-capitalist", through recognition and support of the emancipation of labour, and exist "in a dialectic with the whole of things", as human society will need large-scale projects, such as transport infrastructures. He highlights the work of Herman Daly, who exemplifies what eco-socialists see as the good and bad points of ecological economics- while he offers a critique of capitalism and a desire for "workers ownership", he only believes in workers ownership "kept firmly within a capitalist market", ignoring the eco-socialist desire for struggle in the emancipation of labour and hoping that the interests of labour and management today can be improved so that they are "in harmony".
Critique of Deep Ecology
Kovel has attacked
deep ecologybecause, like other forms of Green politics and Green economics, it features "virtuous souls" who have "no internal connection with the critique of capitalism and the emancipation of labor". He is particularly scathing about deep ecologyand its "fatuous pronouncement" that Green politics is "neither left nor right, but ahead", which, for him, ignores the notion that "that which does not confront the system comes its instrument".
Even more scathingly, Kovel suggests that in "its effort to decentre humanity within nature", deep ecologists can "go too far" and argue for the "splitting away of unwanted people", as evidenced by their desire to preserve
wildernessby removing the groups that have lived there "from time immemorial". Kovel thinks that this lends legitimacy to "capitalist elites", like the US State Departmentand the World Bank, who can make preservation of wildernessa part of their projects that "have added value as sites for ecotourism" but remove people from their land. Between 1986 and 1996, Kovel notes that over three million people were displaced by "conservation projects"; in the making of the US National Parks, three hundred ShoshoneIndians were killed in the development of Yosemite. Kovel believes that deep ecologyhas affected the rest of the Green movementand led to calls from restrictions on immigration, "often allying with reactionaries in a... cryptically racist quest". Indeed, he finds traces of deep ecologyin the "biological reduction" of Nazism, an ideology many "organicist thinkers" have found appealing, including Herbert Gruhl, a founder of the German Green Party(who subsequently left when it became more Left-wing) and originator of the phrase "neither left nor right, but ahead". Kovel warns that, while ' ecofascism' is confined to a narrow band of far rightintellectuals and disaffected white power skinheads who involved themselves alongside far leftgroups in the anti-globalization movement, it may be "imposed as a revolution from aboveto install an authoritarian regime in order to preserve the main workings of the system" in times of crisis.
Critique of bioregionalism
Bioregionalism, a philosophy developed by writers like Kirkpatrick Salewho believe in the self-sufficiency of "appropriate bioregional boundaries" drawn up by inhabitants of "an area",Sale, K., 'Principle of Bioregionalism', in Goldsmith, E., and Mander, J. (eds),"The Case against the Global Economy", Sierra Club Books (San Francisco, CA), 1996] has been critiqued by Kovel, who fears that the "vagueness" of the area will lead to conflict and further boundaries between communities. While Sale cites the bioregional living of Native Americans, Kovel notes that such ideas are impossible to translate to populations of modern proportions, and evidences the fact that Native Americans held land in commons, rather than private property- thus, for eco-socialists, bioregionalismprovides no understanding of what is needed to transform society, and what the inevitable "response of the capitalist state" would be to people constructing bioregionalism.
Kovel also attacks the problems of self-sufficiency. Where Sale believes in self-sufficient regions "each developing the energy of its peculiar ecology", such as "wood in the northwest [USA] ", Kovel asks "how on earth" these can be made sufficient for regional needs, and notes the environmental damage of converting
Seattleinto a "forest-destroying and smoke-spewing wood-burning" city. Kovel also questions Sale's insistence on bioregions that do "not require connections with the outside, but within strict limits", and whether this precludes journeys to visit family members and other forms of travel.
Critique of variants of eco-feminism
Kovel acknowledges the importance of "the gendered bifurcation of nature" and supports the emancipation of
genderas it "is at the root of patriarchyand class". Nevertheless, while he believes that "any path out of capitalism must also be eco-feminist", he criticises types of ecofeminism that are not anti-capitalist and can "essentialize women's closeness to nature and build from there, submerging history into nature", becoming more at place in the "comforts of the New AgeGrowth Centre". These limitations, for Kovel, "keep ecofeminism from becoming a coherent social movement".
Critique of Social Ecology
Though Kovel recognises
Social Ecologyas part of a similar radical tradition as eco-socialism, he still distinguishes one from the other because Social Ecologists see hierarchy "in-itself" as the cause of ecological destruction, whereas eco-socialists focus on genderand class domination embodied in capitalism and recognise that forms of authority that are not "an expropriation of human power for... self-aggrandizement", such as a student-teacher relationship that is "reciprocal and mutual", are beneficial. In practice, Kovel describes Social Ecologyas continuing the anarchist tradition of non-violent direct action, which is "necessary" but "not sufficient" because "it leaves unspoken the question of building an ecological society beyond capital". Furthermore, Social Ecologists and anarchists tend to focus on the statealone, rather than the class relations behind state domination (in the view of Marxists). Kovel fears that this is political, springing from historic hostility to Marxismamong anarchists and sectarianism, which he points out as a fault of the "brilliant" but "dogmatic" founder of Social Ecology, Murray Bookchin.
Critique of 'Actually Existing Socialisms'
For Kovel and Lowy,
eco-socialismis "the realization of the “first-epoch” socialisms" by resurrecting the notion of "free development of all producers", distancing themselves from "the attenuated, reformist aims of social democracyand the productivist structures of the bureaucratic variations of socialism", such as forms of Leninismand Stalinism. They ground the failure of past socialistmovements in "underdevelopment in the context of hostility by existing capitalist powers", which led to "the denial of internal democracy" and "emulation of capitalist productivism". Kovel believes that the forms of 'actually existing socialism' consisted of "public ownership of the means of production", rather than meeting "the true definition" of socialism as "a free association of producers", with the Party-State bureaucracy acting as the "alienating substitute 'public'".
In analysing the Russian Revolution, Kovel feels that "conspiratorial" revolutionary movements "cut off from the development of society" will "find society an inert mass requiring leadership from above". From this, he notes that the anti-democratic Tsarist heritage meant that the Bolsheviks, who were aided into power by World War One, were a minority who, when faced with a
counter-revolutionand invading Western powers, continued "the extraordinary needs of ' war communism'", which "put the seal of authoritarianism" on the revolution; thus, for Kovel, Lenin and Trotsky "resorted to terror", shut down the Soviets (workers' councils) and emulated "capitalist efficiency and productivismas a means of survival", setting the stage for Stalinism. Lenin, in Kovel's eyes, came to oppose the nascent Bolshevik environmentalismand its champion Aleksandr Bogdanov, who was later attacked for "idealism"; Kovel describes Lenin's philosophy as "a sharply dualistic materialism, rather similar to the Cartesian separation of matter and consciousness, and perfectly tooled... to the active working over of the dead, dull matter by the human hand", which led him to want to overcome Russian backwardness through rapid industrialization. This tendency was, according to Kovel, augmented by a desire to catch-up with the West and the "severe crisis" of the revolution's first years. Furthermore, Kovel quotes Trotsky, who believed in a Communist "superman" who would "learn how to move rivers and mountains".Trotsky, L., "Literature and Revolution", 1924] Kovel believes that, in Stalin's "revolution from above" and mass terror in response to the early 1930s economic crisis, Trotsky's writings "were given official imprimatur", despite the fact that Trotsky himself was eventually purged, as Stalinismattacked "the very notion of ecology... in addition to ecologies". Kovel adds that Stalin "would win the gold medal for enmity to nature", and that, in the face of massive environmental degradation, the inflexible Soviet bureaucracy became increasingly inefficient and unable to emulate capitalist accumulation, leading to a "vicious cycle" that led to its collapse.
Kovel advocates the non-violent dismantling of capitalism and the
state, focusing on collective ownership of the means of productionby freely associated producers and restoration of the Commons.Kovel, J., Löwy, M., "An ecosocialist manifesto", 2001]
Kovel focuses on
working-classinvolvement in the formation of eco-socialist parties or their increased involvement in existing Green Parties; however, he believes that, unlike many other forms of socialist analysis, "there is no privileged agent" or revolutionary class, and that there is potential for agency in numerous autonomous, grassroots individuals and groups who can build "prefigurative" projects for non-violent radical social change. He defines "prefiguration" as "the potential for the given to contain the lineaments of what is to be", meaning that "a moment toward the future exists embedded in every point of the social organism where a need arises". If "everything has prefigurative potential", Kovel notes that forms of potential ecological production will be "scattered", and thus suggests that "the task is to free them and connect them". While all "human ecosystems" have "ecosocialist potential", Kovel points out that ones such as the World Bankhave low potential, whereas internally democratic anti-globalization"affinity groups" have a high potential through a dialectic that involves the "active bringing and holding together of negations", such as the group acting as an alternative institution ("production of an ecological/socialist alternative") and trying to shut down a G8summit meeting ("resistance to capital"). Therefore "practices that in the same motion enhance use-values and diminish exchange-values are the ideal" for eco-socialists.
For Kovel, the main prefigurative steps "are that people ruthlessly criticize the capitalist system... and that they include in this a consistent attack on the widespread belief that there can be no alternative to it", which will then "deligitimate the system and release people into struggle". Kovel justifies this by stating that "radical criticism of the given... can be a material force", even without an alternative, "because it can seize the mind of the masses of people", leading to "dynamic" and "exponential", rather than "incremental" and "linear", victories that spread rapidly. Following this, he advocates the expansion of the dialectical eco-socialist potential of groups through sustaining the confrontation and internal cohesion of
human ecosystems, leading to an "activation" of potentials in others that will "spread across the whole social field" as "a new set of orienting principles" that define an ideologyor "'party-life' formation".
In the short-term, Kovel advocates activities that have the “promise of breaking down the commodity form”. This includes organizing labor, which is a “reconfiguring of the
use-valueof labor power”; forming cooperatives, allowing “a relatively free association of labor”; forming localised currencies, which he sees as “undercutting the value-basis of money”; and supporting “radical media” that, in his eyes, involve an “undoing of the fetishism of commodities”. He advocates economic localisation in the same vein as many in the Green movement, although only as a prefigurative step rather than an end in itself. He also advises political parties attempting to “democratize the state” that there should be “dialogue but no compromise” with established political parties, and that there must be “a continual association of electoral work with movement work” to avoid “being sucked back into the system”. Such parties, he believes, should focus on “the local rungs of the political system” first, before running national campaigns that “challenge the existing system by the elementary means of exposing its broken promises”.
Kovel believes in building prefigurations around forms of production based on
use values, which will provide a practical vision of a post-capitalist, post-statist system. Such projects include Indymedia("a democratic rendering of the use-values of new technologies such as the Internet, and a continual involvement in wider struggle"), open-source software, Wikipedia, public librariesand many other initiatives, especially those developed within the anti-globalisation movement.
Internationalization of prefiguration and the 'Eco-socialist Party'
Kovel believes that examples like the Christian
Bruderhof Communities(despite elements of patriarchythat he attacks) show that "communistic" organizations can "survive rather well in a heavily industrialized market" if they are "protected" from the dependence on the market by "anti-capitalist intentionality". He further posits that class struggleis "internationalized in the face of globalization", as evidenced by a wave of strikes across the Global Southin the first half of the year 2000; indeed, he says that "labor's most cherished values are already immanently ecocentric". Kovel therefore thinks that these universalizing tendencies must lead to the formation of "a consciously 'Ecosocialist Party'" that is neither like a parliamentary or vanguardist party. Instead, Kovel advocates a form of political party"grounded in communities of resistance", where delegates from these communities form the core of the party's activists, and these delegates and the "open and transparent" assembly they form are subject to recall and regular rotation of members. He holds up the Zapatista Army of National Liberation(EZLN) and the Gaviotasmovement as examples of such communities, which "are produced outside capitalist circuits" and show that "there can be no single way valid for all peoples". Nonetheless, he also firmly believes in connecting these movements, stating that "ecosocialism will be international or it will be nothing" and hoping that the Ecosocialist Party can retain the autonomy of local communities while supporting them materially. With an ever-expanding party, Kovel hopes that "defections" by capitalists will occur, leading eventually to the armed forcesand policewho, in joining the revolution, will signify that "the turning point is reached".
Kovel uses the term “Eco-socialist revolution” to describe the transition to an eco-socialist world society. In the immediate socio-political transition, he believes that four groups will emerge from the revolution – revolutionaries, those “whose productive activity is directly compatible with ecological production” (such as nurses, schoolteachers, librarians, independent farmers and many other examples), those “whose pre-revolutionary practice was given over to capital” (including the
bourgeoisie, advertising executives and more) and “the workers whose activity added surplus value to capitalist commodities”. In terms of political organisation, he advocates an “interim assembly” made up of the revolutionaries that can “devise incentives to make sure that vital functions are maintained” (such as short-term continuation of “differential remuneration” for labor), “handle the redistribution of social roles and assets”, convene “in widespread locations”, and send delegates to regional, state, national and international organisations, where every level has an “executive council” that is rotated and can be recalled. From there, he asserts that “productive communities” will “form the political as well as economic unit of society” and “organize others” to make a transition to eco-socialist production; he adds that people will be allowed to be members of any community they choose with “associate membership” of others, such as a doctor having main membership of healthcare communities as a doctor and associate membership of child-rearing communities as a father. Each locality would, in Kovel’s eyes, require one community that administered the areas of jurisdiction through an elected assembly. High-level assemblies would have additional “supervisory” roles over localities to monitor the development of ecosystemic integrity, and administer “society-wide services” like transport in “state-like functions”, before the interim assembly can transfer responsibilities to “the level of the society as a whole through appropriate and democratically responsive committees”.
Transnational trade and capital reform
Part of the eco-socialist transition, in Kovel’s eyes, is the reforming
moneyto retain its use in “enabling exchanges” while reducing its functions as “a commodity in its own right” and “repository of value”. He argues for directing moneyto “enhancement of use-values” through a “subsidization of use-values” that “preserves the functioning core of the economy while gaining time and space for rebuilding it”. Internationally, he believes in the immediate cessation of speculationin currencies (“breaking down the function of money as commodity, and redirecting funds on use-values”), the cancellation of the debt of the Global South(“breaking the back of the value function” of money) and the redirecting the “vast reservoir of mainly phony value” to reparations and “ecologically sound development”. He suggests the end of military aid and other forms of support to “comprador elites in the South” will eventually “lead to their collapse”.
In terms of
trade, Kovel advocates a ‘World People’s Trade Organization’ (WPTO), “responsible to a confederation of popular bodies”, in which “the degree of control over tradeis... proportional to involvement with production”, meaning that “farmers would have a special say over food trade” and so on. He posits that the WPTO should have an elected council that will oversee a reform of prices in favour of an ‘Ecological Price’ (EP) “determined by the difference between actual use-values and fully realized ones”, thus having low tariffs for forms of ecological production like organic agriculture; he also envisages the high tariffs on non-ecological production providing subsidies to ecological production units. The EP would also internalize the costs of current externalities (like pollution) and “would be set as a function of the distance traded”, reducing the effects of long-distance transport like carbon emissionsand increased packagingof goods. He thinks that this will provide a “standard of transformation” for non-ecological industries, like the automobile industry, thus spurring changes towards ecological production.
Kovel pursue "ecological production" that goes beyond the socialist vision of the emancipation of labor to "the realization of
use-values and the appropriation of intrinsic value". He envisions a form of production in which "the making of a thing becomes part of the thing made" so that, using a high quality meal as an analogy, "pleasure would obtain for the cooking of the meal" - thus activities "reserved as hobbies under capitalism" would "compose the fabric of everyday life" under eco-socialism. This, for Kovel, is achieved if labor is "freely chosen and developed... with a fully realized use-value" achieved by a "negation" of exchange-value, and he exemplifies the Food Not Bombsproject for adopting this. He believes that the notion of "mutual recognition... for the process as well as the product" will avoid exploitationand hierarchy. With production allowing humanity to "live more directly and receptively embedded in nature", Kovel predicts that "a reorientation of human need" will occur that recognises ecological limits and sees technologyas "fully participant in the life of eco-systems", thus removing it from profit-making exercises.
In the course on an Eco-socialist revolution, Kovel advocates the “rapid conversion to ecosocialist production” for all enterprises, followed by “restoring
ecosystemic integrity to the workplace” through steps like workers ownership. He then believes that the new enterprises can build “socially developed plans” of production for societal needs, such as efficient light-rail transport components. At the same time, Kovel argues for the transformation of essential but, under capitalism, non-productive labour, such as child care, into productive labour, “thereby giving reproductive labour a status equivalent to productive labour”. During such a transition, he believes that income should be guaranteed and that money will still be used under “new conditions of value… according to use and to the degree to which ecosystem integrity is developed and advanced by any particular production”. Within this structure, Kovel asserts that markets and will become unnecessary – although “market phenomena” in personal exchanges and other small instances might be adopted – and communities and elected assemblies will democratically decide on the allocation of resources.
Kovel is quick to assert that the focus on “production” does not mean that there will be an increase in production and labor under Eco-socialism. He thinks that the emancipation of labor and the realization of
use-valuewill allow “the spheres of work and culture to be reintegrated”. He cites the example of Paraguayan Indian communities (organised by Jesuits) in the eighteenth century who made sure that all community members learned musical instruments, and had labourers take musical instruments to the fields and takes turns playing music or harvesting.
Commons, property and ‘usufruct’
Kovel focuses on a modified version of the notion of ‘
Usufruct’ to replace capitalist private propertyarrangements. As a legal term, Usufructrefers to the legal right to use and derive profit or benefit from propertythat belongs to another person, as long as the property is not damaged. According to Kovel, a modern interpretation of the idea is “where one uses, enjoys – and through that, improves – another’s property”, as its Latinetymology “condenses the two meanings of use – as in use-value, and enjoyment – and as in the gratification expressed in freely associated labour”. The idea, according to Kovel, has roots in the Code of Hammurabiand was first mentioned in Roman law“where it applied to ambiguities between masters and slaves with respect to property”; it also features in Islamic Sharia law, Aztec law and the Napoleonic Code.
Kovel highlights the fact that Marx mentioned the idea when he stated that human beings are no more than the planet’s “
usufructaries, and, like "boni patres familias", they must hand it down to succeeding generations in an improved condition”.Marx, K., "Capital Vol. 3.", 1894] Kovel has taken on this reading, asserting that, in an eco-socialist society, “everyone will have... rights of use and ownership over those means of production necessary to express the creativity of human nature”, namely “a place of one’s own” to decorate to personal taste, some personal possessions, the body and its attendant sexual and reproductive rights. However, Kovel sees propertyas “self-contradictory” because individuals emerge “in a tissue of social relations” and “nested circles”, with the self at the centre and extended circles where “issues of sharing arise from early childhood on”. He believes that “the full self is enhanced more by giving than by taking” and that eco-socialism is realized when material possessions weigh “lightly” upon the self – thus restoration of use-valueallows things to be taken “concretely and sensuously” but “lightly, since things are enjoyed for themselves and not as buttresses for a shaky ego”. This, for Kovel, reverses what Marxists see as the commodity fetishismand atomization of individuals (through the “unappeasable craving” for “having and excluding others from having”) under capitalism. Under eco-socialism, he therefore believes that enhancement of use-valuewill lead to differentiated ownership between the individual and the collective, where there are “distinct limits on the amount of propertyindividuals control” and no-one can take control of resources that “would permit the alienation of means of productionfrom another”. He then hopes that the “hubris” of the notion of “ownership of the planet” will be replaced with usufruct.
Kovel asserts that "violence is the rupturing of
ecosystems" and is therefore "deeply contrary to ecosocialist values". He believes that revolutionary movements must prepare for post-revolutionary violence from counter-revolutionary sources by "prior development of the democratic sphere" within the movement, because "to the degree that people are capable of self-government, so will they turn away from violence and retribution" for "a self-governed people cannot be pushed around by any alien government". It is therefore essential, in Kovel's view, that the revolution "takes place in" or spreads quickly to the USA, which "is capital's gendarme and will crush any serious threat", and that revolutionaries reject the death penaltyand retribution against former opponents or counter-revolutionaries.
Writing in "
Capitalism Nature Socialism", Doug Boucher, Peter Caplan, David Schwartzmanand Jane Zaracriticise eco-socialists in general (and Kovel in particular) for a deterministic " catastrophism" that overlooks "the countervailing tendencies of both popular struggles and the efforts of capitalist governments to rationalize the system" and the "accomplishments of the labor movement" that "demonstrate that despite the interests and desires of capitalists, progress toward social justiceis possible". They argue that an ecological socialism must be "built on hope, not fear". [http://www.dccofc.org/Documents/Review%20of%20Kovel.htm "Capitalism Nature Socialism" September 2003 - "Another look at the end of the world"] ]
Some environmentalists and conservationists have criticised Kovel from within the Green movement. In a review of "The Enemy of Nature",
David M. Johnscriticises eco-socialism for not offering "suggestions about near term conservation policy" and focusing exclusively on long-term societal transformation. Johns believes that species extinction"started much earlier" than capitalism and suggests that eco-socialism neglects the fact that an ecological society will need to transcend the destructiveness found in "all large-scale societies". Johns questions whether non-hierarchical social systems can provide for billions of people, and criticises eco-socialists for neglecting issues of population pressure. Furthermore, Johns describes Kovel's argument that human hierarchy is founded on raiding to steal women as "archaic". Overall, Johns feels that eco-socialism asks "many of the right questions" and will encourage conservationists "to better understand which obstacles to conservation are structural", but still feels that eco-socialists suffer from trying "to fit ecological processes and problems into categories long used to describe human society", [http://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/routledg/cnps/2003/00000025/00000001/art00009?crawler=true "New Political Science", Volume 25, Number 1, March 2003 - Reviews] ] the very tendency that Kovel himself attacks among capitalists and traditional leftists who attempt to reduce nature to "linear" human models.
* [http://www.press.umich.edu/titleDetailDesc.do?id=290383 "Overcoming Zionism: Creating a Single Democratic State in Israel/Palestine"] , (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2007)
* "The Enemy of Nature" (London: Zed Books, 2002), ISBN 1-84277-081-0.
* "Red Hunting in the Promised Land" (New York: Basic Books, 1994), ISBN 0-465-00364-8.
* "History and Spirit" (Boston: Beacon Press, 1991), ISBN 0-8070-2916-5.
* "The Radical Spirit: Essays on Psychoanalysis and Society" (London: Free Association Books, 1989), ISBN 0-946960-57-7.
* "In Nicaragua" (New York: Columbia University Press, 1989), ISBN 0-946960-90-9.
* "White Racism: A Psychohistory" (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984), ISBN 0-231-05797-0.
* "Against the State of Nuclear Terror" (Boston: South End Press, 1984), ISBN 0-89608-220-2.
* "The Age of Desire: Case Histories of a Radical Psychoanalyst" (New York: Pantheon, 1981), ISBN 0-394-50818-1.
* "A Complete Guide to Therapy" (New York: Pantheon, 1976), ISBN 0-394-48992-6.
Green Party (United States)
* [http://www.joelkovel.org Joel Kovel's Website]
* [http://www.cnsjournal.org "Capitalism Nature Socialism" Website]
* [http://www.counterpunch.org/dace06142003.html "Nature's Coming Revolution" - A Review of Joel Kovel's The Enemy of Nature By Ted Dace]
* [http://www.feasta.org/documents/review2/enemy_of_nature.htm "Preserving the the planet means scrapping capitalism" - Derek Wall's review of The Enemy of Nature, by Joel Kovel]
* [http://www.leftbusinessobserver.com/Radio.html#070614 "Overcoming Zionism" - An interview with Kovel on the psychopolitics of Zionism on Doug Henwood's radio show "Behind the News"]
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