Communist Party of Brazil

Communist Party of Brazil
Communist Party of Brazil
Partido Comunista do Brasil
Leader José Renato Rabelo
Founded February 18, 1962
Headquarters Rua Rego Freitas, 192, República
São Paulo, Brazil
Newspaper Classe Operária
(Working Class)
Youth wing Socialist Youth Union (UJS)
Membership 240,000
Ideology Communism,
Left-wing nationalism
Democratic Socialism,
(Formerly Maoist
from 1962-1976 and then Hoxhaist from 1976 to the 90s).
Political position Left.
International affiliation Foro de São Paulo,
International Conference of Communist and Workers' Parties
Official colours Red
TSE Identification Number 65
Seats in the Chamber of Deputies
15 / 513
Seats in the Senate
2 / 81
Politics of Brazil
Political parties

The Communist Party of Brazil (Partido Comunista do Brasil, PCdoB) is a political party in Brazil. It has national reach and deep penetration in the trade union and students movements. PCdoB dispute with the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB) the title of "oldest political party in Brazil". The predecessor of both parties was the Brazilian Section of the Communist International, founded on March 25, 1922. The current PCdoB was launched on February 18, 1962. Outlawed after the 1964 coup d'état, PCdoB supported the armed struggle against the regime before its legalization on 1988. Its most famous action in the period was the Araguaia guerrilla (1966–1974). Since 1989, PCdoB is allied to the Worker's Party (PT) in the federal level. As such, it is a member of the Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva administration and joined the For Brazil to keep on changing coalition, which elected his successor, Dilma Rousseff.

PCdoB publishes the newspaper Working Class (Classe Operária) and the magazine Principles (Princípios), and is a member of the Foro de São Paulo. Its youth wing is the Union of the Socialist Youth (União da Juventude Socialista, UJS), launched on 1984, while its trade union wing is the Central of Male and Female Workers of Brazil (Central dos Trabalhadores e Trabalhadoras do Brasil, CTB), founded on 2007 as a dissidence from the Unified Workers' Central (Central Única dos Trabalhadores, CUT).



The Communist Party – Brazilian Section of the Communist International (Partido Comunista – Seção Brasileira da Internacional Comunista, PC-SBIC) was founded on March 25, 1922, congregating Brazilian Communists under the same label until the international rupture in the movement that occurred after the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956, and the 5th Congress of the PC-SBIC in 1960, when Brazilian Communists found themselves divided into two tendencies. At the 20th Congress of the CPUSA, Nikita Khrushchev had delivered the so-called "Secret Speech", which denounced the abuses committed by the Soviet state under Joseph Stalin's rule. Khrushchev was considered a "revisionist" by supporters of the late Stalin, which led to a rupture in the Communist movement in various countries.

In Brazil, the rupture reached the party leadership, which had rebuilt PC-SBIC after the setbacks it suffered under the Estado Novo regime, which tried to put workers against the party and violently repressed it. The new party leadership was formed on 1943 by João Amazonas, Maurício Grabois, Pedro Pomar, Diógenes Arruda Câmara, and Secretary General Luís Carlos Prestes, among others.

PC-SBIC (1922-1962)

The PC-SBIC was ideologically based on the writings of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, and in the actions of Vladimir Lenin in the aftermath of the October Revolution, advocating the democratic centralism and Marxism–Leninism. It was launched on March 25, 1922 in Niterói, Rio de Janeiro, when members of the Brazilian working class took their first big step towards arranging themselves under a class organization; nine delegates, representing 50 workers, held a Congress and founded the PC-SBIC. On April 4 of that same year, it was recognized as a political party by the federal government, with its manifesto being published in the Official Gazette. Following the international guidance, the party was given the name of Communist Party - Brazilian Section of the Communist International.

The nine delegates which attended the founding Congress of the PC-SBIC were Abílio de Nequete, a Lebanese Brazilian barber; Astrojildo Pereira, a journalist from Rio de Janeiro; Cristiano Cordeiro, an accountant from Recife; Hermogênio da Silva Fernandes, an electrician from Cruzeiro; João da Costa Pimenta, a linotype operator; Joaquim Barbosa, a tailor from Rio de Janeiro; José Elias da Silva, a shoemaker from Rio de Janeiro; Luís Peres, a broom seller from Rio de Janeiro; and Manuel Cendón, a Spanish-born tailor.

A series of influential parties in the Brazilian political scene emerged from the PC-SBIC, such as the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB), the Revolutionary Communist Party (PCR), in addition to all Trotskyist and Stalinist groups that have been organized ever since. The international rupture that arose in the Communist movement after 1956 caused the PC-SBIC to split on February 18, 1962, during its 5th National Congress. At the occasion, the Manifesto - Program, which advocated the disruption of the party with the Communist International, was approved, and the party took the name of Communist Party of Brazil (Partido Comunista do Brasil, PCdoB).

Schisms of the Communist Party of Brazil

  • Brazilian Communist Party (1961): In 1961, the "revisionist" group held an Extraordinary National Conference, adopting a new program, a new statute, replacing the main body of the party (The Working Class), and adopting the name of Brazilian Communist Party, keeping the acronym of PCB, until then popularly used to identify PC-SBIC. The maneuver was led by Luís Carlos Prestes, which claimed that the move made it possible for PC-SBIC to regain its legal registration - which was ultimately not obtained. The Marxist-Leninist group claimed that Prestes' move broke PC-SBIC's statute and was, therefore, illegal according to the party rules. They launched a document called The Hundred Men Letter, claiming the implementation of an extraordinary congress to validate the changes. It also criticized the new party line, accusing it of being "right-wing opportunistic". After that, the self called "anti-revisionist" group adopted the name of Communist Party of Brazil and the acronym of PCdoB to differentiate themselves from PCB.
  • Communist Revolutionary Party (1968): The Revolutionary Communist Party (Partido Comunista Revolucionário, PCR) emerged as an internal split of PCdoB in 1966, four years after the split of PC-SBIC into two parties. It was formed by activists of the student movement and the Peasant Leagues (a pro-agrarian reform group, considered the predecessor of MST). Its party line was that of Mao Zedong's people's war, aiming to siege the cities from the countryside, considering the Northeast Region the best are to trigger the revolution.
  • PCdoB's Red Wing (1968)
  • Revolutionary Communist Party (1979)

Reorganization of the Communist Party of Brazil

The 1st reorganization (August 11, 1943)

Held on August 11, 1943, National Party Conference (Conference of Mantiqueira), with delegates from Rio, São Paulo, Rio, Minas Gerais, Paraná, Rio Grande do Sul, Bahia, Sergipe and Paraíba. The Conference reviewed the political situation and the tasks of the Party, politics and construction tasks to it. Elected, yet, a new Central Committee, for the old leadership and the party organization was almost torn apart due to several blows of police. This conference was an enormous role in party life. Defeated trends liquidators and established the need to reorganize the party, as well as outlined the tasks of communists in the struggle against fascism and the declaration of war on the Axis and sending an expeditionary force to fight in Europe. Many Communists marched willingly into the theater of operations in Italy and the Party has organized a broad movement in solidarity with the Brazilian Expeditionary Force (FEB). On 1 August 1950, was given to the public, the Manifesto of August, the Central Committee of Communist Party of Brazil. It was more an attempt by management to break with the remnants of the right opportunist line of the period of review. Although it contains some leftist errors (confused, to some extent, the two steps of the Brazilian revolution and underestimated the role of the national bourgeoisie in the revolution), the Manifesto presented in essence a revolutionary line, urged the people to overthrow the regime of landlords and big capitalists in the service of American imperialism and provide for this a popular army.

The 2nd Reorganization (February 18, 1962)

The Marxist-Leninist break with the dissent provides, and make the V National Conference Meetings, the Communist Party of Brazil on February 18, 1962, in São Paulo; reorganization of the party and embracing the symbol PCdoB, and proclaimed himself the legitimate heir and successor of the Communist Party - Brazilian Section of the Communist International (PC-SBIC), which was popularly known by the acronym PCBs. dating its founding on March 25, 1922.Com the participation of delegates from Guanabara, São Paulo, Rio, Rio Grande do Sul and Espirito Santo. This conference, which was the importance of issues resolved by Congress, marked a complete break with the Marxist-Leninist group revisionist Prestes who had usurped the party leadership and the party turned into a social democratic organization. In opposition to the revisionist line of the V Congress, the Conference adopted the Manifesto-Program, which draws a line for the revolutionary party; reintroduced the Statute adopted at the Fourth Congress, adopted a resolution on the unity of the Communists, signed the principle that each country can only exist a single Marxist-Leninist party, decided to reissue The Working Class, a former central organ of the Party; is approved the break with the USSR and finally elected a new Central Committee. These resolutions historical mark not only the complete and decisive break with the revisionists, but also the purpose of reorganizing the true Marxist-Leninist vanguard in this conference Brasil.Participam Joao Amazonas, Mauricio Grabois, Camara Ferreira, Mário Alves, Jacob Gorender, Miguel Batista de Carvalho and Apollonius.

The incorporation of Marxist-Leninist Popular Action - APML (1975)

The guideline Maoist (1962-1969)

While the PCB finally abandoned the figure of Stalin, PCdoB kept the former Soviet leader as one of its theoretical underpinnings (alongside Marx, Engels and Lenin). At the same time the crisis between the Soviet Union and China reached its peak when the Chinese leader Mao Zedong criticized the ongoing process of de-Stalinization in the USSR, and accused Khruschev of deviations "opportunistic" and "reformist".

Since the direction of the PCB remained rigidly faithful to Moscow, a division of Mao with the rest of the communist movement has attracted the sympathy of PCdoB, who sent emissaries to Beijing to formalize the ideological link with the new ideological guidelines of the Communist Party of China, Among these messengers, was the party's exiled former president, Joao Amazonas, who was received by Mao Tse Tung. Since then, the party has gradually approach postulates Maoists, considering only China and Albania People like communist countries, and that the other had kicked a guideline and not more revolutionary revisionist.

However, adherence to Maoism included a shift in the strategies followed by PCdoB. Following the principle of protracted people's war, PCdoB undertook to transfer your pictures to the field, initiating the formation of a peasant army. This conception of revolutionary struggle contrasted with both the traditional tactics of the PCB (which true to the "peaceful path opposed the armed struggle against the dictatorship) and with Foco new forces such as the MR-8 and the ALN, which prioritized the urban guerrilla and focus as a way of fighting the military government established in 1964.

The final membership of the PCdoB Maoism was in 1966 in its 6th Congress. The following year, the party drew up a declaration in support of the Cultural Revolution underway in China. In 1968, PCdoB suffered two internal divisions: the Red Wing PCdoB (favorable to foquista tactic) and the Revolutionary Communist Party (PCR).

The Araguaia Guerrilla (1969-1976)

Since 1966, PCdoB sought the formation of a nucleus at the guerrilla camp. The area chosen for the irradiation of the future peasant army (along the lines Maoist) was the region south of Para, near the border with Tocantins. It is estimated that the party met 70-80 guerrillas in the area under the military command of former military Osvaldo Orlando da Costa (Osvaldão) and under the command of Mauritius maximum Grabois (then commander in chief of the guerrillas).

The most effective guerrilla PCdoB column (under the name "Araguaia Guerrilla Force") was composed of high school students or college students, organized around the Patriotic Union of Youth (UJP, youth wing of the party), professional and workers mainly from São Paulo and Minas Gerais. As there was little adhesion between locals, the party created the Freedom Union and the People's Rights (ULDP), whose manifesto contained the programmatic basis of the guerrillas.

In 1971, Army units discovered the location of guerrilla nucleus and were deployed to cordon off the area, preventing it from spreading its operations to the north of the Amazon. The repression of guerrilla operations began in 1972 with three military expeditions that mobilized 25,000 soldiers. Being repelled the first two, the third expedition defeated the last pockets of resistance. Most of the guerillas died in clash with Army forces, including Osvaldão Grabois and Maurice, who died in confrontation with the Army on December 25, 1973. In the 3rd campaign of annihilation, there was a dirty war, including torture of civilians, execution and beheading of prisoners and bodies of fighters hiding until the present day.

The defeat of the Araguaia committed to the party organization, but established the myth of the guerrillas known as the most effective experience of armed struggle the dictatorship. Most of the dead in the repression of the military regime between 1964 and 1979 was PCdoB militants. The Araguaia Guerrilla redefined the dictatorship's plans for the Amazon region and its repression is systematically hidden until now.

The abandonment of Maoism (1976-1979)

Since the late 1960s, the Marxist-Leninist Popular Action (APML), a group derived from the Catholic left, had adopted the Maoist ideology and approached the PCdoB. Merging the two groups was made in 1975, after the end of armed struggle. PCdoB also attracted graduates from Pcbr and MR-8.

On December 16, 1976, the DOI-Codi-SP invades a house on the street Pius XI, São Paulo, killing at local orchard and Angelo Pedro Arroyo, kills John the Baptist Drumond torture prisoners and keeps up Amnesty Wladimir Pomar (son of Pedro), Aldo Arantes, Haroldo Lima, Elza Moneratt (both graduates of the AP), episode known as the Massacre and Slaughter of Lapa. In a climate where the opposition is beginning to gain strength, the news media, crime, strikes and moves within and outside Brazil. The direction of the party, hit hard, by Amnesty works with a core base in exile. Years later, it was discovered that the operation had the help of an informer arrested that year, the head of Manuel Jover PCdoB Teles (ex CC member of the PCB and former Pcbr), who was expelled from the party in 1983.

Shorn of its main frame, PCdoB began to regroup with staff from the PA leadership and staff of John Amazonas, who with Arruda Diogenes were the last remnants of the group that rebuilt the party in 1943 at the Conference Mantiqueira in full New State and in 1962. Arruda's death (in 1979) left as Amazon's top leadership PCdoB until his death.

The failure of rural guerrilla and the new policy adopted by China since Mao's death in 1976 led PCdoB to break completely with Maoism. In 1978, the party followed Enver Hoxha in his criticism of Chinese leaders and now considers Albania as the only socialist country, provided that the last bastion of Stalinism.

During this period, an internal division of PCdoB led to the Revolutionary Communist Party (PRC), led by Jose Genoino and Genro, and who later would join the Workers Party (PT), next to Red Wing.

The path to legalization party (1979-1987)

The adoption of the line did not mean the Albanian political radicalization of the PCdoB. In 1978, all had left institutional action through the MDB, the moderate opposition to the military government, PCdoB resumes its parliamentary area and elected its first MPs in the underground.

In 1979, with the opening policy and the granting of Amnesty, PCdoB found a favorable environment for their penetration of the unions and student organizations. Amazon John has returned from exile in 1979, and Diogenes Arruda dies of heart attack in the car on the way to a political act. The rebuilding of UNE (1979), with Aldo Rebelo marked the beginning of the hegemony of the party in university entity (keeping ever since, except for the biennium 1987-1988). In 1984, PCdoB founded the Union of Socialist Youth (UJS), its youth wing.

In 1980, Prestes breaks with the PCB to defend "the reorganization of the communist movement of the Communist Party" in the famous Letter to the Communists. Abandoned to their fate in old age will depend on friends like Oscar Niemeyer to survive and die affiliated with PDT.

In unionism, PCdoB initially adopted a policy of alliance with trade unionists linked to the PCB, adhering to CONCLAT in 1983, which included moderate and non-Marxists. Thus, the party opposed to the CUT (trade union arm of the PT). In 1984, PCdoB integrated to the movement of the Direct Elections Now (formed by all opposition parties), and the following year with the defeat of the amendment Dante de Oliveira, search Tancredo Neves trying to convince him to engage in candidate Electoral College, which coincided with the PCB and MR8, application decisive for the democratization and legalization of leftist parties in 1985. The PT is already legalized in 1980. In elections to the Constituent Assembly of 1986, PCdoB elected six deputies, including Haroldo Lima, Aldo Arantes. Of these, three were originally elected by the legend of the PMDB, with which he remained an ally, part of the base of support from the government of Jose Sarney.

From 1987 to 1995 Socialist Program

The social and economic crisis that followed the Cruzado Plan (1987) led PCdoB to break the PMDB. In its place, he sought an ever larger with the PT and the PSB. In 1988, trade unionists PCdoB broke with the General Workers Central and formed the current Class Union, which then became part of the CUT, currently connected to the CTB (see Recent Events).

In 1989, along with the PSB, PCdoB supported the candidacy of Lula to the presidency. The alliance with the PT for the presidential elections was repeated in the elections of 1994, 1998, 2002 and 2006, achieving success in the last two, with the vice president of the plate, the political and textile businessman José Alencar, indicated by PL.

Along with the PT, PCdoB also made strong opposition to the government of Fernando Collor. PCdoB defended in 1991 defends his removal, which occurs in September 1992 with large student demonstrations and participation by the UJS ahead along the UBEs and UNE. At that time, they noted the personal leadership of Lindberg Farias, then president of the UNE and militant PCdoB.

Alongside the adoption of a more radical stance internally, PCdoB began to lose its external references. In 1990, a year after the fall of the Berlin Wall, also the Albanian regime collapsed and with it the Stalinism was in crisis. The main impact of these changes was the decision of PCdoB at its 8th Congress in 1992 with the slogan Vive Socialism, Stalin fails to mention one of the "classics" of Marxism.

That decision opened the party ideologically and allowed the incorporation of new militants. PCdoB resumed ties with Cuba. In 1995 at its 8th conference, the Socialist party adopted its Programme. Several Communist intellectuals previously attached to the PCB (as Nelson Werneck Sodré and Edgard Carone) approached the PCdoB.

During this period, with the fall of the socialist camp in Eastern Europe, PCdoB now regards the duration of a phase of "strategic defensive", i.e. a period of retraction of socialist ideas and the need for accumulation of forces to advance a stage of the offensive.

Opposition to neoliberalism and Lula administration

In the late 1980s, PCdoB supported the formation of a popular front to launch Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva's candidacy for President. Since then, it has been a member of all electoral coalitions led by the Workers' Party (PT) at the federal level. It has also been allied to the PT in most states and capitals.

PCdoB has registered a steadily increase in its number of seats in the National Congress since the 1986 elections, the first parliamentary elections which the party contested. It elected 3 deputies in 1986, 5 in 1990, 10 in 1994, 7 in 1998, 12 in 2002, 13 in 2006, and 15 in 2010. In 2000, PCdoB elected its first mayor, Luciana Santos (Olinda). On 2006, it elected its first Senator ever, Inácio Arruda (although the party considers Luís Carlos Prestes, from PC-SBIC, its first Senator). He was followed by Vanessa Grazziotin on 2010. Since 2001, the party is led by Renato Rabelo (a former member of the Popular Action guerrilla group), which succeeded João Amazonas, which had been a leader of the party since the late 1940s and died in the following year.

With the victory of Lula in 2002, PCdoB became part of the federal government, occupying the Ministry of Sports; first with Agnelo Queiroz and later with Orlando Silva. This was the first time ever that a Communist occupied a Ministry of the Brazilian state. PCdoB's influence over the federal government was expanded in 2004, with the appointment of deputy Aldo Rebelo as political coordinator for the government. The following year, he assumed the presidency of the Chamber of Deputies with the resignation of Severino Cavalcanti. On November 16, 2002, Aldo Rebelo took over the presidency for one day, making him the only Communist President of Brazil. PCdoB also managed to get some participation in the Senate for a brief period of time, when Senator Leomar Quintanilha (formerly a member of PMDB) switched parties.

Although critical of the economic policy of the Lula administration, PCdoB maintained its support to PT. On 2006, when Lula sought his re-election, the party formalized its participation in his alliance. That same year, PCdoB achieved its first municipal administration of a state capital when PT's Marcelo Déda resigned in order to run as Governor of Sergipe and Edvaldo Nogueira took office as mayor of Aracaju. At the end of 2007, its divergences with PT increases, and PCdoB abandoned the Central Única dos Trabalhadores (CUT) trade union organization and, along with the Brazilian Socialist Party and other independent sections of the union movement, it founded the Central of Male and Female Workers of Brazil (CTB).

On November 21–23, 2008, PCdoB hosted the 10th International Meeting of Communist and Workers Parties, which gathered 65 communist and labour parties from around the world, an event which had never been hosted in Latin America. That same year, it had its largest expansion on local representation, electing 40 mayors; some of them in big cities such as Aracaju, Olinda, Maranguape, and Juazeiro.

In 2005 Congress held its XI and recasts its status [1], among other innovations admitting for the first time the distinction between "affiliated" and "militant" - this was just the subsidiaries to help finance the party and party fulfills its obligations. This move is seen as a step toward the massification of the Communist Party of Brazil.

In 2009, the Twelfth Congress, PCdoB adopted a new Socialist Program [2], entitled Strengthening the Nation is the way, socialism is the way!, Which covers only the initial phase of transition to socialism, determining the collective party some issues for immediate action to medium term.


PCdoB was legally recognized as a political party by the Brazilian Electoral Supreme Court on June 23, 1988. Its current President is José Renato Rabelo. It has nearly 240,000 members.

UJS is affiliated to the World Federation of Democratic Youth.


PCdoB responded to the collapse of real communism and of the Soviet Union better than most of the Western Communist parties.[1] PCdoB had established itself as an organization historically linked to the Marxist-Leninist tradition of the Communist International.[1] Its political and ideological identity was consolidated as opposing the so-called 1960s "revisionism", identified with the directions taken by the USSR after the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.[1] PCdoB then aligned itself with Maoism.[2] After the People's Republic of China began making economic reforms in 1979, PCdoB decided to aligned itself with the Socialist People's Republic of Albania, an example of consistency and fidelity to Marxism-Leninism in the opinion of its leaders.[1][2]

In the 1980s, the Soviet crisis was assessed by PCdoB as the result of the growing integration of the USSR to capitalism and the "social-imperialistic" policies applied by it; the Soviet regime was characterized as a kind of state capitalism.[1] In 1991, as the crisis has expanded over to Albania, PCdoB decided to reassess its theoretical formulations about revisionism, and became nonaligned.[1][2] In its 8th Congress in 1992, PCdoB innovated itself by criticizing the Bolshevik experience.[1] The party reaffirmed its adherence to Marxism-Leninism and socialism, taking a different path from several other Communist organizations throughout the world.[1]

During this process, PCdoB ranged from an approach that pointed to the class struggle as responsible for the fundamental changes that occurred in the Soviet regime, while on the other hand, it showed a economistic tendency, placing the problems of socialism around the development of productive forces.[1] To some extent, it has shifted from debating these fundamental issues, and when it did, it treated them marginally.[1] The party has been ever since marked by a growing institutionalization inside the political system.[1]

This can be perceived in a letter sent to the Communist Party USA on the occasion of its 29th National Convention in 2010.[3] In it, PCdoB demonstrates its concern over the Greek economic collapse and blames neoliberal policies for it.[3] The party lists its electoral goals for the 2010 general elections as being the "consolidation of Communist presence in the institutions", the "enlargement of influence on lower classes" and "maintaining the democratic and progressive forces at the head of the national government".[3]

PCdoB has been criticized by smaller left-wing parties for its alliance with the Workers' Party (PT). However, the party has continued on the left-wing field, even if it has embraced democratic socialism and shifted to center-left in the political spectrum to some extent. The Socialist People's Party (PPS), a dissidence of the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB), on the other hand, has embraced the right-wing opposition to the Lula administration, allying with them in the Brazil can do more coalition.

Congresses of the Communist Party of Brazil

Name Dates Place
1st March 25–27, 1922 Niterói
2nd May 16–18, 1925
3rd December 1928-January 1929
4th November 1954
5th August–September 1960
6th (clandestine) 1983
7th May 1988 São Paulo
8th February 3–8, 1992 Brasília
9th October 13–15, 1997 São Paulo
10th December 9–12, 2001 Rio de Janeiro
11th October 20–23, 2005 Brasília
12th November 5–8, 2009 São Paulo

Electoral results

Chamber Senate
Year Votes % of votes % change Seats % of seats Seats change Votes % of votes % change Seats % of seats Total seats
1986 297,237 0.6 3 0.6 0 0
1990 352,049 0.9 +0.3 5 1.0 +2 0 0
1994 562,121 1.2 +0.3 10 1.9 +5 751,428 0.8 0 0
1998 869,293 1.3 +0.1 7 1.3 -3 559,218 0.9 +0.1 0 0
2002 1,967,833 2.2 +0.9 12 2.3 +5 6,199,237 4.0 +3.1 0 0
2006 1,982,323 2.1 -0.1 13 2.5 +1 6,364,019 7.5 +3.5 1 1.2 1
2010 2,748,290 2.8 +0.7 15 2.9 +2 12,561,716 7.4 -0.1 1 1.2 2
Sources: Election Resources, Dados Eleitorais do Brasil (1982-2006)

Famous members

See also


  1. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k (Portuguese) Cabrera, José Roberto. "The Communist Party of Brazil and the crisis of socialism : ruptures and continuities". Universia. 24 June 2010.
  2. ^ a b c "Communist Party of Brazil". Photius. April 1997. Sources: The Library of Congress Country Studies; CIA World Factbook.
  3. ^ a b c Abreu, Ricardo Alemão. "International Greetings: Communist Party of Brazil (PCdoB)". CPUSA. 25 May 2010.

External links

Preceded by
50 - SFP (PSOL)
56 - PRNO (PRONA) - defunct
Numbers of Brazilian Official Political Parties
65 - CPB (PCdoB)
Succeeded by
70 - LPB (PTdoB)

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