Illustration from "The Speaking Portrait" (Pearson's Magazine, Vol XI, January to June 1901) demonstrating the principles of Bertillon's anthropometry.

Anthropometry (Greek anthropos (άνθρωπος - "man") and metron (μέτρον - "measure") therefore "measurement of man") refers to the measurement of the human individual. An early tool of physical anthropology, it has been used for identification, for the purposes of understanding human physical variation, in paleoanthropology and in various attempts to correlate physical with racial and psychological traits. Craniometry is a section of anthropometry that exclusively studies craniums.

Today, anthropometry plays an important role in industrial design, clothing design, ergonomics and architecture where statistical data about the distribution of body dimensions in the population are used to optimize products. Changes in life styles, nutrition and ethnic composition of populations lead to changes in the distribution of body dimensions (e.g. the obesity epidemic), and require regular updating of anthropometric data collections.


Craniometry and paleoanthropology

Selection of Primate skulls.

In 1784 Louis-Jean-Marie Daubenton, who wrote many essays on comparative anatomy for the Académie française, published his Memoir on the Different Positions of the Occipital Foramen in Man and Animals (Mémoire sur les différences de la situation du grand trou occipital dans l’homme et dans les animaux). Six years later Pieter Camper (1722–1789), distinguished both as an artist and as an anatomist, published some lectures that laid the foundation of much subsequent work. Camper invented the "facial angle", a measure meant to determine intelligence among various species. According to this technique, a "facial angle" was formed by drawing two lines: one horizontally from the nostril to the ear; and the other perpendicularly from the advancing part of the upper jawbone to the most prominent part of the forehead. Camper's measurements of facial angle were first made to compare the skulls of men with those of other animals. Camper claimed that antique statues presented an angle of 90°, Europeans of 80°, Black people of 70° and the orangutan of 58°.

Swedish professor of anatomy Anders Retzius (1796–1860) first used the cephalic index in physical anthropology to classify ancient human remains found in Europe. He classed skulls in three main categories; "dolichocephalic" (from the Ancient Greek kephalê, head, and dolikhos, long and thin), "brachycephalic" (short and broad) and "mesocephalic" (intermediate length and width). Scientific research was continued by Étienne Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire (1772–1844) and Paul Broca (1824–1880), founder of the Anthropological Society in France in 1859. Paleoanthropologists still rely upon craniofacial anthropometry to identify species in the study of fossilized hominid bones. Specimens of Homo erectus and athletic specimens of Homo sapiens, for example, are virtually identical from the neck down but their skulls can easily be told apart.

Samuel George Morton (1799–1851), whose two major monographs were the Crania Americana (1839), An Inquiry into the Distinctive Characteristics of the Aboriginal Race of America and Crania Aegyptiaca (1844) concluded that the ancient Egyptians were not African but white and that caucasians and negroes were already distinct three thousand years ago. Since The Bible indicated that Noah's Ark had washed up on Mount Ararat only a thousand years before this Noah's sons could not account for every race on earth. According to Morton's theory of polygenism the races had been separate from the start.[1] Josiah C. Nott and George Gliddon carried Morton's ideas further.[2] Charles Darwin, who thought the single-origin hypothesis essential to evolutionary theory, opposed Nott and Gliddon in his 1871 The Descent of Man, arguing for monogenism.

Pithecometra: In the frontispiece from his 1863 Evidence as to Man's Place in Nature, Thomas Huxley compared skeletons of apes to humans.

In 1856 workers found in a limestone quarry the skull of a Neanderthal man, thinking it to be the remains of a bear. They gave the material to amateur naturalist Johann Karl Fuhlrott who turned the fossils over to anatomist Hermann Schaaffhausen. The discovery was jointly announced in 1857, giving rise to the discipline of paleoanthropology. By comparing skeletons of apes to man T. H. Huxley (1825–1895) backed up Charles Darwin's theory of evolution, first expressed in On the Origin of Species (1859), and developed the "Pithecometra principle" which stated that man and ape were descended from a common ancestor.

Eugène Dubois' (1858–1940) discovery in 1891 in Indonesia of the "Java Man", the first specimen of Homo erectus to be discovered, demonstrated mankind's deep ancestry outside Europe. Ernst Haeckel (1834–1919) became famous for his "recapitulation theory", according to which each individual mirrors the evolution of the whole species during his life.

Typology and personality

A head-measuring tool designed for anthropological research in the early 1910s. Theodor Kocher was inventor of the craniometer[3]

Intelligence testing was compared with anthropometrics. Samuel George Morton (1799–1851) collected hundreds of human skulls from all over the world and started trying to find a way to classify them according to some logical criterion. Morton claimed that he could judge intellectual capacity by cranial capacity. A large skull meant a large brain and high intellectual capacity, a small skull indicated a small brain and decreased intellectual capacity.

Craniometry was also used in phrenology, which purported to determine character, personality traits, and criminality on the basis of the shape of the head. At the turn of the 19th century, Franz Joseph Gall (1758–1822) developed "cranioscopy" (Ancient Greek kranion - "skull", scopos - "vision"), a method to determine the personality and development of mental and moral faculties on the basis of the external shape of the skull. Cranioscopy was later renamed phrenology (phrenos: mind, logos: study) by his student Johann Spurzheim (1776–1832), who wrote extensively on "Drs. Gall and Spurzheim's physiognomical System." These all claimed the ability to predict traits or intelligence and were intensively practised in the 19th and the first part of the 20th century.

During the 1940s anthropometry was used by William Sheldon when evaluating his somatotypes, according to which characteristics of the body can be translated into characteristics of the mind. Inspired by Cesare Lombroso's criminal anthropology, he also believed that criminality could be predicted according to the body type. A basically anthropometric division of body types into the categories endomorphic, ectomorphic and mesomorphic derived from Sheldon's somatotype theories is today popular among people doing weight training.

Forensic anthropometry

Forensic anthropologists study the human skeleton in a legal setting. A forensic anthropologist can assist in the identification of a decedent through various skeletal analyses that produce a biological profile. Forensic anthropologists utilize the Fordisc program to help in the interpretation of craniofacial measurements in regards to ancestry/race determination.

One part of a biological profile is a person's racial/ancestral affinity. People with considerable European ancestry generally have relatively no prognathism; a relatively small face; a narrow, tear-shaped nasal cavity; a "silled" nasal aperture; tower-shaped nasal bones; a triangular-shaped palate; and an angular and sloping eye orbit shape. People with considerable African ancestry typically have a broad and round nasal cavity; no dam or nasal sill; Quonset hut-shaped nasal bones; notable facial projection in the jaw and mouth area (prognathism); a rectangular-shaped palate; and a square or rectangular eye orbit shape. People with considerable East Asian ancestry are often characterized by a relatively small prognathism; no nasal sill or dam; an oval-shaped nasal cavity; tent-shaped nasal bones; a horseshoe-shaped palate; and a rounded and non-sloping eye orbit shape.[4] Many of these characteristics are only a matter of frequency among particular races: their presence or absence of one or more does not automatically classify an individual into a racial group.

Bertillon, Galton and criminology

A Bertillon record for Francis Galton, from a visit to Bertillon's laboratory in 1893.

In 1883 in France the savant Alphonse Bertillon introduced a system of identification that was named after him, based on the finding that several measures of physical features, such as the dimensions of bony structures in the body, remain fairly constant throughout adult life. He concluded that when these measurements were made and recorded systematically every individual would be distinguishable. Bertillon's goal was a way of identifying recidivists ("repeat offenders"). Previously police could only record general descriptions. Photography of criminals had become commonplace but there was no easy way to sort the many thousands of photographs except by name. Bertillon's hope was that, through the use of measurements, a set of identifying numbers could be entered into a filing system installed in one single cabinet.

A chart from Bertillon's Identification anthropométrique (1893), demonstrating how to take measurements for his identification system.

The system involved ten measurements; height, stretch (distance from left shoulder to middle finger of raised right arm), bust (torso from head to seat when seated), head length crown to forehead and width temple to temple, width of cheeks and length of the right ear and the left foot, middle finger and cubit (elbow to tip of middle finger). It was possible, by exhaustion, to sort the cards on which these details were recorded (together with a photograph) until a small number produced the measurements of the individual sought, independently of names.

The system was soon adapted to police methods: it prevented impersonation and could demonstrate wrongdoing. "Bertillonage" was before long represented in Paris by a collection of some 100,000 cards and became popular in several other countries' justice systems. England followed suit when in 1894 a committee was sent to Paris to investigate the methods and its results, reporting favorably on the use of measurements for primary classification but also recommending the partial adoption of the system of finger prints suggested by Francis Galton and currently in use in Bengal, where measurements were abandoned in 1897 after the finger print system was adopted throughout British India. Three years later England followed suit and, as the result of a fresh inquiry ordered by the Home Office, relied upon finger prints alone.

Bertillonage exhibited certain defects and was gradually supplanted by the system of finger prints and, latterly, genetics. Bertillon originally measured variables he thought were independent - such as forearm length and leg length - but Galton had realized that both were the result of a single causal variable (in this case, stature) and developed the statistical concept of correlation. It was also difficult to tell whether individuals arrested were first-time offenders. Instruments employed were costly and liable to break down, skilled measurers were needed, errors were frequent and all but irremediable and it was necessary to repeat measurements three times to arrive at a mean result.


Physiognomy claimed a correlation between physical features (especially facial features) and character traits. It was made famous by Cesare Lombroso (1835–1909), the founder of anthropological criminology, who claimed to be able to scientifically identify links between the nature of a crime and the personality or physical appearance of the offender. The originator of the concept of a "born criminal" and arguing in favor of biological determinism, Lombroso tried to recognize criminals by measurements of their bodies. He concluded that skull and facial features were clues to genetic criminality and that these features could be measured with craniometers and calipers with the results developed into quantitative research. A few of the 14 identified traits of a criminal included large jaws, forward projection of jaw, low sloping forehead; high cheekbones, flattened or upturned nose; handle-shaped ears; hawk-like noses or fleshy lips; hard shifty eyes; scanty beard or baldness; insensitivity to pain; long arms, and so on.

Phylogeography, race and human origins

Phylogeography is the science of identifying and tracking major human migrations, especially in prehistoric times. Linguistics can follow the movement of languages and archaeology can follow the movement of artefact styles but neither can tell whether a culture's spread was due to a source population's physically migrating or to a destination population's simply copying the technology and learning the language. Anthropometry was used extensively by anthropologists studying human and racial origins: some attempted racial differentiation and classification, often seeking ways in which certain races were inferior to others.[5][6] Nott translated Arthur de Gobineau's An Essay on the Inequality of the Human Races (1853–1855), a founding work of racial segregationism that made three main divisions between races, based not on colour but on climatic conditions and geographic location, and privileged the "Aryan" race. Science has tested many theories aligning race and personality, which have been current since Boulainvilliers (1658–1722) contrasted the Français (French people), alleged descendants of the Nordic Franks, and members of the aristocracy, to the Third Estate, considered to be indigenous Gallo-Roman people subordinated by right of conquest.

François Bernier, Carolus Linnaeus and Blumenbach had examined multiple observable human characteristics in search of a typology. Bernier based his racial classification on physical type which included hair shape, nose shape and skin color. Linnaeus based a similar racial classification scheme. As anthropologists gained access to methods of skull measure they developed racial classification based on skull shape.

Theories of scientific racism became popular, one prominent figure being Georges Vacher de Lapouge (1854–1936), who in L'Aryen et son rôle social (1899 - "The Aryan and his social role") divided humanity into various, hierarchized, different " races", spanning from the "Aryan white race, dolichocephalic" to the "brachycephalic" (short and broad-headed) race. Between these Vacher de Lapouge identified the "Homo europaeus (Teutonic, Protestant, etc.), the "Homo alpinus" (Auvergnat, Turkish, etc.) and the "Homo mediterraneus" (Napolitano, Andalus, etc.). "Homo africanus" (Congo, Florida) was excluded from discussion. His racial classification ("Teutonic", "Alpine" and "Mediterranean") was also used by William Z. Ripley (1867–1941) who, in The Races of Europe (1899), made a map of Europe according to the cephalic index of its inhabitants.

Vacher de Lapouge became one of the leading inspirations of Nazi anti-semitism and Nazi ideology.[7] Nazi Germany relied on anthropometric measurements to distinguish Aryans from Jews and many forms of anthropometry were used for the advocacy of eugenics. During the 1920s and 1930s, though, members of the school of cultural anthropology of Franz Boas began to use anthropometric approaches to discredit the concept of fixed biological race. Boas used the cephalic index to show the influence of environmental factors. Researches on skulls and skeletons eventually helped liberate 19th century European science from its ethnocentric bias.[8] This school of physical anthropology generally went into decline during the 1940s.

Race and brain size

An 1839 drawing by Samuel George Morton of "a Negro head… a Caucasian skull… a Mongol head."

In Crania Americana Morton claimed that Caucasians had the biggest brains, averaging 87 cubic inches, Indians were in the middle with an average of 82 cubic inches and Negroes had the smallest brains with an average of 78 cubic inches.[1] In 1873 Paul Broca (1824–1880) found the same pattern described by Samuel Morton's Crania Americana by weighing brains at autopsy. Other historical studies alleging a Black-White difference in brain size include Bean (1906), Mall, (1909), Pearl, (1934) and Vint (1934). But in Germany Rudolf Virchow's study led him to denounce "Nordic mysticism" in the 1885 Anthropology Congress in Karlsruhe. Josef Kollmann, a collaborator of Virchow, stated in the same congress that the people of Europe, be them German, Italian, English or French, belonged to a "mixture of various races," furthermore declaring that the "results of craniology" led to "struggle against any theory concerning the superiority of this or that European race".[9] Virchow later rejected measure of skulls as legitimate means of taxonomy. Paul Kretschmer quoted an 1892 discussion with him concerning these criticisms, also citing Aurel von Törok's 1895 work, who basically proclaimed the failure of craniometry.[9]

Stephen Jay Gould (1941–2002) claimed Samuel Morton had fudged data and "overpacked" the skulls.[10] A subsequent study by John Michael concluded that "[c]ontrary to Gould's interpretation... Morton's research was conducted with integrity."[11] In 2011 physical anthropologists at the University of Pennsylvania, which owns Morton’s collection, published a study that concluded that “Morton did not manipulate his data to support his preconceptions, contra Gould.” They identified and remeasured half of the skulls used in Morton’s reports, finding that in only 2% of cases did Morton’s measurements differ significantly from their own and that these errors either were random or gave a larger than accurate volume to African skulls, the reverse of the bias that Dr. Gould imputed to Morton.[12] Difference in brain size, however, does not necessarily imply differences in intelligence: women tend to have smaller brains than men yet have more neural complexity and loading in certain areas of the brain.[13][14]

J. Philippe Rushton, psychologist and author of the controversial work Race, Evolution and Behavior (1995), reanalyzed Gould's retabulation in 1989, and argued that Samuel Morton, in his 1839 book Crania Americana, had shown a pattern of decreasing brain size proceeding from East Asians, Europeans, and Africans. Rushton alleged an average endocranial volume of 1,364 cm³ for East Asians, 1,347 for white caucasians and 1,268 for black africans.

Similar claims were previously made by Ho et al. (1980), who measured 1,261 brains at autopsy, and Beals et al. (1984), who measured approximately 20,000 skulls, finding the same East Asian → EuropeanAfrican pattern but warning against using the findings as indicative of racial traits, "If one merely lists such means by geographical region or race, causes of similarity by genogroup and ecotype are hopelessly confounded".[15] Rushton's findings have been criticized for confusing African-Americans with equatorial Africans, who generally have smaller craniums as people from hot climates often have slightly smaller crania.[16] He also compared equatorial Africans from the poorest and least educated areas of Africa with Asians from the wealthiest, most educated areas and colder climates.[16] According to Z. Z. Cernovsky Rushton's own study[17] shows that the average cranial capacity of North American blacks is similar to that of Caucasians from comparable climatic zones,[16] though a previous work by Rushton showed appreciable differences in cranial capacity between North Americans of different race.[18] This is consistent with the findings of Z. Z. Cernovsky that people from different climates tend to have minor differences in brain size.

Race, identity and cranio-facial description

This is a recreation of the craniometric dendogram entitled "Cranial Cluster 28 Groups" in a book by anthropologist William White Howells, professor of anthropology at Harvard University who said "Indians" or "American populations" are closest in "studies of cranial distance" to "Europeans" as seen above and that among "Indians" or "American populations", only "Eskimos" are "strongly Mongoloid in form".[19]See Also: Kennewick man

Observable craniofacial differences included; head shape (mesocephalic, brachycephalic, doliocephalic) breadth of nasal aperture, nasal root height, sagittal crest appearance, jaw thickness, brow ridge size and forehead slope. Using this skull-based categorization anthropologists[who?] identified three or four racial groups;

  • Caucasoid characterized by a tall skull with a cephalic index in the mesocephalic range (Mediterraneans generally high/dolichocephalic, Dinarics generally high/brachycephalic, Alpines generally medium height/brachycephalic, Nordics generally tall-medium height/mesocepahlic-dolichocephalic), receded zygomas, large brow ridge and narrow nasal aperture.
  • Negroid characterized by a short dolichocephalic skull shape, receded zygomas and wide nasal aperture.
  • Mongoloid characterized by a medium height/brachycephalic skull, absent browridges, small nasal aperture and projecting zygomas.
  • Australoid, a craniofacial type fell between Negroid and Caucasoid was added. With the addition of this category, Thomas Huxley considered India to fall in this group's craniofacial measurements.[20]

Ripley's The Races of Europe was rewritten in 1939 by Harvard physical anthropologist Carleton S. Coon. Carleton S. Coon, a twentieth century craniofacial anthropometrist, used the technique for his The Origin of Races (New York: Knopf, 1962). Because of the inconsistencies in the old three-part system (Caucasoid, Mongoloid, Negroid), Coon adopted a five-part scheme. He defined "Caucasoid" as a pattern of skull measurements and other phenotypical characteristics typical of populations in Europe, Central Asia, South Asia, West Asia, North Africa, and Northeast Africa (Ethiopia, and Somalia). He discarded the term "Negroid" as misleading since it implies skin-tone, which is found at low latitudes around the globe and is a product of adaptation, and defined skulls typical of sub-Saharan Africa as "Congoid" and those of Southern Africa as "Capoid". Finally, he split "Australoid" from "Mongoloid" along a line roughly similar to the modern distinction between sinodonts in the north and sundadonts in the south. He argued that these races had developed independently of each other over the past half-million years, developing into Homo Sapiens at different periods of time, resulting in different levels of civilization. This raised considerable controversy and led the American Anthropological Association to reject his approach without mentioning him by name.[21]

In The Races of Europe (1939) Coon classified Caucasoids into racial sub-groups named after regions or archaeological sites such as Brünn, Borreby, Alpine, Ladogan, East Baltic, Neo-Danubian, Lappish, Mediterranean, Atlanto-Mediterranean, Irano-Afghan, Nordic, Hallstatt, Keltic, Tronder, Dinaric, Noric and Armenoid. This typological view of race, however, was starting to be seen as out-of-date at the time of publication. Coon eventually resigned from the American Association of Physical Anthropologists, while some of his other works were discounted because he would not agree with the evidence brought forward by Franz Boas, Stephen Jay Gould, Richard Lewontin, Leonard Lieberman and others.[22]

Although craniofacial race categorization based on skull indices is unambiguous[23] races categorized using alternative methods yield different groups, making them non-concordant[24] Neither will the method pin-point geographic origins reliably due to variation in skulls within a geographic region. The United States has group ancestries from geographically distant locations which have generally remained endogamous. As more migrate and Americans become more racially mixed such craniofacial identification is of reduced utility. About one-third of "white" Americans have detectable African DNA markers[25] and about five percent of "black" Americans have no detectable "negroid" traits at all, craniofacial or genetic.[26] Given three Americans who self-identify and are socially accepted as white, black and Hispanic, and given that they have precisely the same Afro-European mix of ancestries (one "mulatto" grandparent), there is no objective test that will identify their US endogamous group membership without an interview.[27] While this method produces useful results for the population of the United States, it is likely that it would not be reliable for populations from other countries[28] or historical periods.[29]

Modern anthropometry and biometrics

Anthropometry demonstrated in an exhibit from a 1921 eugenics conference.

Anthropometric studies today are conducted to investigate the evolutionary significance of differences in body proportion between populations whose ancestors lived in different environments. Human populations exhibit climatic variation patterns similar to those of other large-bodied mammals, following Bergmann's rule, which states that individuals in cold climates will tend to be larger than ones in warm climates, and Allen's rule, which states that individuals in cold climates will tend to have shorter, stubbier limbs than those in warm climates.

On a micro evolutionary level anthropologists use anthropometric variation to reconstruct small-scale population history. For instance John Relethford's studies of early twentieth-century anthropometric data from Ireland show that the geographical patterning of body proportions still exhibits traces of the invasions by the English and Norse centuries ago.

Scientists working for private companies and government agencies conduct anthropometric studies to determine a range of sizes for clothing and other items. Measurements of the foot are used in the manufacture and sale of footwear: measurement devices may be used either to determine a retail shoe size directly (e.g. the Brannock Device) or to determine the detailed dimensions of the foot for custom manufacture (e.g. ALINEr).[30]

The US Military has conducted over 40 anthropometric surveys of U.S. Military personnel between 1945 and 1988, including the 1988 Army Anthropometric Survey (ANSUR) of men and women with its 240 measures. Statistical data from these surveys encompasses over 75,000 individuals.[31]

Today anthropometry can be performed with three-dimensional scanners. A global collaborative study to examine the uses of three-dimensional scanners for health care was launched in March 2007. The Body Benchmark Study [2] will investigate the use of three-dimensional scanners to calculate volumes and segmental volumes of an individual body scan. The aim is to establish whether The Body Volume Index has the potential to be used as a long-term computer based anthropometric measurement for health care. In 2001 the UK conducted the largest sizing survey using scanners up to date. Since then several national surveys have followed in the UK's pioneering steps, notably SizeUSA, SizeMexico & Size Thailand, the latter still ongoing. Size UK showed that the nation had become taller and heavier but not as much as expected. Since 1951, when the last women's survey had taken place, the average weight for women had gone up from 62 to 65 kg.

Direct measurements involve examinations of brains from corpses, or more recently, imaging techniques such as MRI, which can be used on living persons. Such measurements is used research on neuroscience and intelligence. Brain volume data and other craniometric data is used in mainstream science to compare modern-day animal species, and to analyze the evolution of the human species in archeology. With the discovery that many blood proteins vary consistently among populations, followed by the discovery of the DNA code, the invention of the polymerase chain reaction that amplifies trace amounts of DNA, and the decoding of the human genome, phylogeographers largely switched away from craniofacial anthropometry whenever DNA is available.[citation needed]

Anthropometric measurements also have uses in medical anthropology and epidemiology, for example in helping to determine the relationship between various body measurements (height, weight, percentage body fat, etc.) and medical outcomes. Anthropometric measurements are frequently used to diagnose malnutrition in resource-poor clinical settings.

In art Yves Klein termed anthropometries his performance paintings where he covered nude women with paint, and used their bodies as paintbrushes.


  1. ^ a b David Hurst Thomas, Skull Wars Kennewick Man, Archaeology, And The Battle For Native American Identity, 2001, pp. 38 - 41
  2. ^ Josiah C. Nott and George Gliddon, Types of Mankind (1854)
  3. ^ Schültke, Elisabeth (May. 2009). "Theodor Kocher's craniometer". Neurosurgery (United States) 64 (5): 1001–4; discussion 1004–5. doi:10.1227/01.NEU.0000344003.72056.7F. PMID 19404160. 
  4. ^ Forensic Anthropology - Ancestry
  5. ^ "From Savage to Negro" (1998) Lee D. Baker p.14
  6. ^ "The Mismeasure of Man" Stephen Jay Gould (1981)
  7. ^ See Pierre-André Taguieff, La couleur et le sang - Doctrines racistes à la française ("Colour and Blood - doctrines à la française"), Paris, Mille et une nuits, 2002, 203 pages, and La Force du préjugé - Essai sur le racisme et ses doubles, Tel Gallimard, La Découverte, 1987, 644 pages
  8. ^ "Cultural Biases Reflected in the Hominid Fossil Record" (history), by Joshua Barbach and Craig Byron, 2005, webpage: ArchaeologyInfo-003.
  9. ^ a b Andrea Orsucci, "Ariani, indogermani, stirpi mediterranee: aspetti del dibattito sulle razze europee (1870-1914), Cromohs, 1998 (Italian)
  10. ^ Stephen Jay Gould, The Mismeasure of Man, (1981)
  11. ^ Michael, J. S. (1988). "A New Look at Morton's Craniological Research." Current Anthropology 29: 349-354.
  12. ^ Lewis, Jason E., DeGusta, D., Meyer, M.R., Monge, J.M., Mann, A.E., et al. (2011). "The Mismeasure of Science: Stephen Jay Gould versus Samuel George Morton on Skulls and Bias." PLoS Biol 9(6): e1001071. doi:10.1371/journal.pbio.1001071
  13. ^ Insider – The Female Brain, By Ivory E. Welcome, MBA Candidate December 2009
  14. ^ Evolving Knowledge of Sex Differences in Brain Structure, Function and Chemistry. by Kelly P. Cosgrove, PhD, Carolyn M. Mazure, PhD, and Julie K. Staley, PhD, et. al
  15. ^ Kenneth L. Beals et al. (1984) "Brain Size, Cranial Morphology, Climate, and Time Machines". Current Anthropology, Vol. 25, No. 3 (Jun., 1984), p. 306
  16. ^ a b c Cernovsky, Z. Z. (1997)A critical look at intelligence research, In Fox, D. & Prilleltensky, I. (Eds.) Critical Psychology, London: Sage, ps 121-133.
  17. ^ Rushton, J. P. "Race, Brain Size, and Intelligence: A Rejoinder to Cain and Vanderwolf". Personality and Individual Differences, 11, 785-794.
  18. ^ Rushton, J. Philippe. "Cranial capacity related to sex, rank, and race in a stratified random sample of 6,325 U.S. military personnel". Intelligence, Volume 16, Issues 3-4, July-December 1992.
  19. ^ Howells, William W. (1997). Getting here: the story of human evolution. ISBN 0-929590-16-3
  20. ^ Huxley, Thomas. On the Geographical Distribution of the Chief Modifications of Mankind. 1870. August 14, 2006.
  21. ^ Marks, Jonathan What it means to be 98% Chimpanzee University of California Press, 2002, ISBN 9780520240643 pp. 76-77 [1]
  22. ^ How Caucasoids Got Such Big Crania and How They Shrank, by Leonard Lieberman
  23. ^ Forensic Anthropology. Human Biological Variation
  24. ^ John Relethford, The Human Species: An introduction to Biological Anthropology, 5th ed. (New York: McGraw-Hill, 2003).
  25. ^ Heather E. Collins-Schramm and others, "Markers that Discriminate Between European and African Ancestry Show Limited Variation Within Africa," Human Genetics 111 (2002): 566-9; Mark D. Shriver and others, "Skin Pigmentation, Biogeographical Ancestry, and Admixture Mapping," Human Genetics 112 (2003): 387-99.
  26. ^ E.J. Parra and others, "Ancestral Proportions and Admixture Dynamics in Geographically Defined African Americans Living in South Carolina," American Journal of Physical Anthropology 114 (2001): 18-29, Figure 1.
  27. ^ Carol Channing, Just Lucky I Guess: A Memoir of Sorts (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2002); Gregory Howard Williams, Life on the Color Line: The True Story of a White Boy who Discovered he was Black (New York: Dutton, 1995)
  28. ^ The Online Companion to California Newsreel's 3 part documentary about race and society, science and history, "Race — The Power of an Illusion", Ask the Experts section
  29. ^ "The assignment of skeletal racial origin is based principally upon stereotypical features found most frequently in the most geographically distant populations. While this is useful in some contexts (for example, sorting skeletal material of largely West African ancestry from skeletal material of largely Western European ancestry), it fails to identify populations that originate elsewhere and misrepresents fundamental patterns of human biological diversity", Forensic Misclassification of Ancient Nubian Crania: Implications for Assumptions about Human Variation, Frank L’Engle Williams, Robert L. Belcher, and George J . Armelagos (pdf)
  30. ^ Goonetilleke, R. S., Ho, Edmond Cheuk Fan, and So, R. H. Y. (1997). Foot Anthropometry in Hong Kong . Proceedings of the ASEAN 97 Conference, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, 1997. pp. 81-88.
  31. ^ U.S. Military personnel

Sources and further reading

 This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domainChisholm, Hugh, ed (1911). Encyclopædia Britannica (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. 

Primary sources

  • Lombroso, Antropometria di 400 delinquenti (1872)
  • Roberts, Manual of Anthropometry (1878)
  • Ferri, Studi comparati di antropometria (2 vols., 1881–1882)
  • Lombroso, Rughe anomale speciali ai criminali (1890)
  • Bertillon, Instructions signalétiques pour l'identification anthropométrique (1893)
  • Livi, Anthropometria (Milan, 1900)
  • Fürst, Indextabellen zum anthropometrischen Gebrauch (Jena, 1902)
  • Report of Home Office Committee on the Best Means of Identifying Habitual Criminals (1893–1894)

See also

External links

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Look at other dictionaries:

  • Anthropometry — An thro*pom e*try, n. [Gr. ? man + mercy.] Measurement of the height and other dimensions of human beings, especially at different ages, or in different races, occupations, etc. Dunglison. [1913 Webster] || …   The Collaborative International Dictionary of English

  • anthropometry — (n.) 1839, acquaintance with the dimensions of the parts of the human body, from ANTHROPO (Cf. anthropo ) + METRY (Cf. metry). Perhaps modeled on Fr. anthropometrie …   Etymology dictionary

  • anthropometry — [an΄thrō päm′ə trē, an΄thrəpäm′ə trē] n. a branch of anthropology dealing with measurement of the human body to determine differences in individuals, groups, etc.: it is used in medicine, space programs, archaeology, etc. anthropometric… …   English World dictionary

  • anthropometry — anthropometric /an threuh peuh me trik, poh /, anthropometrical, adj. anthropometrically, adv. anthropometrist, n. /an threuh pom i tree/, n. the measurement of the size and proportions of the human body. [1830 40; ANTHROPO + METRY] * * * ▪ …   Universalium

  • anthropometry — antropometrija statusas T sritis Kūno kultūra ir sportas apibrėžtis Žmogaus kūno matavimas, vienas svarbiausių antropologijos metodų. Skiriama somatometrija (viso kūno matavimas), cefalometrija (galvos matavimas), kraniometrija (kaukolės… …   Sporto terminų žodynas

  • anthropometry — noun Etymology: French anthropométrie, from anthrop + métrie metry Date: circa 1839 the study of human body measurements especially on a comparative basis • anthropometric adjective …   New Collegiate Dictionary

  • anthropometry — noun /ænθrəʊˈpɒmɪtrɪ/ The science of measuring the human body in order to ascertain the average dimensions of the human form at different ages, and in different divisions of race, class etc …   Wiktionary

  • anthropometry — The branch of anthropology concerned with comparative measurements of the human body. [anthropo + G. metron, measure] * * * an·thro·pom·e·try päm ə trē n, pl tries the study of human body measurements esp. on a comparative basis… …   Medical dictionary

  • anthropometry — n. measurement of the human body and its proportions (Anthropology) …   English contemporary dictionary

  • anthropometry — [ˌanθrə pɒmɪtri] (also anthropometrics) noun the scientific study of the measurements and proportions of the human body. Derivatives anthropometric adjective …   English new terms dictionary